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  • Yeah, and who would believe in the six million, had history gone another way...

    To me, Gaza holds a shocking resemblance to warsaw. Not quite there yet, but if some people here actually had a say in the matter, to would become a real one pretty quickly IMHO.

    But i think i need to relativate my position: I am not saying, that hauling rockets on israel is the right thing to do for the hamas. Hell no. I am just saying that i can understand it as much as israel´s retaliation for it. Both could be called ´justified´, yet both is contraproductive, at best. I can as well understand that people who are directly involved in the matter would call my attitude lofty and out of touch. But maybe you need to have a certain distance to the matter in order to keep an open mind, unclouded by strong emotions, about it. Probably, if one of my friends or relatives were killed by one side or the other, i´d be as furious as anybody else involved in the matter. But this is exactly my point: This war (like most) feeds itself, creates its own children.

    Any cease-fire btw would need time to work. If after it, some radicals still haul rockets, it should be regarded as a remnant of a time now dying. If it can be achieved that the ´terrorists´ loose support among their own ranks, they will eventually stop, and noone will take their place. If you kill them, someone will replace them most certainly, for the reasons i mentioned above.

    Did anybody ever try to ask Hamas for ´terms´? LIKE if israel lost the war? What would be their proposal? Let them make one. If it´s totally outragous, like calling for the utter destruction of israel, then go fight them. If it´s not, take it as a base of negotiation. If the deal is based on their own proposals, they would dishonor themselves, if they wont stick to it (and thus loose a lot of support within their own ranks).

    Another idea would be local agreements: Like if you live in a town at the border, and across it come the suicide-bombers or rockets. Arrange for a meeting of your mayor and ´officials´ of the ´terrorists´. Ask them what their issue is, and what can be done, to alliviate it. I imagine, sometimes could be as simple as (´T´ = ´terrorist´, ´M´=`mayor´):

    T:´The wall blocks the way to our fields, which we need to cultivate, in order to survive. And we need water for them, too, which you are denying to us.´

    M:´So, if we open up the wall, and grant free passage for the farmers and their aids to the fields and give you sufficient water, would you stop killing us?´

    T:´We just want a decent live. Most of us anyways. I cant give a gurantee for the most radicals of my people - they might still take action on their own. And of course we´d have to discuss, what exactly ´free passage´ and ´sufficient water´ means.´

    M:´Well, it would be upto you, to tell us what you need. But then of course, it would also be upto you, to prevent your radicals from bombing us from then on. If we come to an agreement, then those who oppose it violently on either side must be treated as criminals by the local authorities. I might face trouble at home, too, when i tell my people, that we will give you water for free. Some wont understand it. I will have to tell them, that it´s not for free, but for peace and security. If that price wont be paid, i will get replaced by someone, who wont sit at the same table with you.´

    T: `Of course. Reasonable men hard to find these days. On both sides, i suppose. We are both taking a lot of risk here, and I probably more than you. Maybe it would be a good idea, to share this risk with as many people as we can. Right now, any relation between one of us and one of yours seems like a personal risk. But the more we can make taking that risk, the less this risk really exists.´

    M: ´We will need to convince people it´s worth risking it, first, tho. That´ll be upto us. I suggest we meet again and you prepare some details. Like how much water would be needed and what you would regard as ´free passage´.´

    T: ´I will. I will also have to talk to my people. It might be, that more will be required. I can not gurantee, that this will be sufficient to all. So dont feel fooled, when i will bring you more than you asked for next time we meet. But i can assure you, that we are as sick of the killing as you are. For now, i will order my people to hold off, until next time we meet, at least. The quicker we come to a solution, the better. For all of us.´

    As this would all be a local thing only, nobody would loose his face on behalf of the entity of his nation. There is more room for negotiation. Over time, neighboring, hostile, communities could establish common councils, in which each side can forward their complains.

    In the end, there is just to ways: Mutual atrocities or co-existence. For co-existence, both sides need to have the means to exist in the first place, tho.

    Comment


    • Israelis let aid into Gaza:

      The latest news and headlines from Yahoo News. Get breaking news stories and in-depth coverage with videos and photos.


      Bad idea. Need to keep pressure on.

      Comment


      • The war started in Nov. / Dec. 47? Interesting. You're welcome to name Israeli war operations from Nov / Dec 1947 then.



        Christ, you don't even know when your own country's war of independence started...

        What you're referring to is the "civil war" period



        No ****. That might be why I called it a "civil war" or the "civil war phase" every time I mentioned it.

        The nature of the war during Nov 47-April 48 does not bear the nature of organized evictions or any planned attempt at deporting palestinians, as you originally suggested.



        I suggested nothing of the sort. You're just inventing a position to argue against.

        Comment


        • read the replies I posted to Naked Gents Rut regarding how much of the population has actually fled on their own initiative, and with no bearing to Plan D or any Israeli actions.



          You are so dishonest. The Haganah began launching reprisals against Arab traffic and villages in the second week of December 1947, while the Irgun and Stern Gang started carrying out indiscriminate terrorist attacks against Arabs at the same time. You can pretend all you want that the Jews did nothing that would frighten and drive out the Arabs before April 1948, but you're not fooling people who actually know something about the history of the 1948 War.

          Comment


          • Originally posted by Sirotnikov View Post
            it was of local population, and local important families and elites. i don't know what nationality they defined themselves.
            Selected by whom?

            that happenned in 1923.
            Things that happened 80 years ago are as relevant to todays discussion, as are things that happened 60 years ago. There's very little difference, and the creation of Transjordan (that was never questioned by any factor btw, even though it was totally unrelated to local population or politics), had a huge influence on the possible solutions of the land in "Israel".
            I meant a quarter century before the partition of Palestine.

            Had I more time I would actually spend an evening seeking out quotes to post.
            As far as I am aware, there has been a constant presence of Iraqi commando that trained local and even participated in attacks.
            After the declaration of the partition plan violent attacks increased, and wiki states that up to 200 people were killed per month.
            Another Israeli historian I bumped into says that around 1200 jewish civilians were killed in armed attacks between the partition plan announcement and the declaration of independence in 1948.
            During this same time period how many Palestinians were killed? Can anyone truthfully say who fired the first shot? One thing we do know is that a variety of Israeli groups were already conducting an armed campaign against the British occupation and that inevitably some of those victims included Palestinians.
            You're welcome to show concrete examples or even accusations of Israeli deportation attempts in the period of Jan 1947-Dec 1947.
            On December 19, 1947, Ben-Gurion advised the Haganah on the rules of engagement with the Palestinian population. He stated:

            "we adopt the system of aggressive defense; with every Arab attack we must respond with a decisive blow: the destruction of the place or the expulsion of the residents along with the seizure of the place." (Expulsion Of The Palestinians, p. 176-177 and Israel: A History, p. 156)

            According to Sefer Toldot Ha-Haganah, the official history of the Haganah, it clearly stated how Palestinian villages and population should be dealt with. It stated:

            "[Palestinian Arab] villages inside the Jewish state that resist 'should be destroyed .... and their inhabitants expelled beyond the borders of the Jewish state.' Meanwhile, 'Palestinian residents of the urban quarters which dominate access to or egress from towns should be expelled beyond the borders of the Jewish state in the event of their resistance.' " (Expulsion Of The Palestinians, p. 178)
            From an interview with Benny Morris:

            According to your findings, how many acts of Israeli massacre were
            perpetrated in 1948?

            "Twenty-four. In some cases four or five people were executed, in others
            the numbers were 70, 80, 100. There was also a great deal of arbitrary
            killing. Two old men are spotted walking in a field - they are shot. A
            woman is found in an abandoned village - she is shot. There are cases
            such as the village of Dawayima [in the Hebron region], in which a
            column entered the village with all guns blazing and killed anything
            that moved.

            "The worst cases were Saliha (70-80 killed), Deir Yassin (100-110), Lod
            (250), Dawayima (hundreds) and perhaps Abu Shusha (70). There is no
            unequivocal proof of a large-scale massacre at Tantura, but war crimes
            were perpetrated there. At Jaffa there was a massacre about which
            nothing had been known until now. The same at Arab al Muwassi, in the
            north. About half of the acts of massacre were part of Operation Hiram
            [in the north, in October 1948]: at Safsaf, Saliha, Jish, Eilaboun, Arab
            al Muwasi, Deir al Asad, Majdal Krum, Sasa. In Operation Hiram there was
            a unusually high concentration of executions of people against a wall or
            next to a well in an orderly fashion.
            Which sits very well with my claim.
            I actually was taught about higher population numbers - some 500-600K in 1948 borders.
            If after the war 150K remained (and 20K more allowed to return) then it goes well with my 3/4 - 1/4 number stands.
            If I go by your numbers - I have a 1/3 - 2/3 division.

            That's a lot of refugees, but hardly [b]virtually the entire Palestinian population in those territories.[/q] as you put it.
            Remember that by 1950 Israel included a lot more Palestinian land than had been previously incorporated in the UN mandate, so that fact that there were 600,000 to 800,000 refugees even though the original mandate should only have included 430,000 isn't surprising. The extra couple hundred thousand refugees came from the land beyond its allotted borders seized by Israel.

            Can't find the quote right now, but there was one juicy one promising to massacre all jews or something of that sort. I can tell you that Israeli leaders have never expressed or hinted at similar attitude.

            So there's a wee bit difference there.
            I've found a whole treasure trove of quotes from early Israeli leaders promising to remove the pesky dark people from the promised land. Care to hear it all?
            "I say shoot'em all and let God sort it out in the end!

            Comment


            • Yeah, ´with no bearing to [...] any israeli actions´ must seem quite unlikely to anyone, right? I mean: come on! It wasnt coincidence... It´s not like they randomly wanted to move out of the area at that time anyways and then where like ´ooops - refugee camps arent as cool as they advertised - i want my old land back !´

              Comment


              • Originally posted by Dr Strangelove View Post
                I've found a whole treasure trove of quotes from early Israeli leaders promising to remove the pesky dark people from the promised land. Care to hear it all?
                I guess the real question is...
                Is this the goal of CURRENT Israeli leaders? I don't think so
                Is (substitute jew for pesky dark people) a goal of CURRENT Hamas leaders? Yes, I think so.

                That's the difference in my opinion. Am I naive?
                It's almost as if all his overconfident, absolutist assertions were spoonfed to him by a trusted website or subreddit. Sheeple
                RIP Tony Bogey & Baron O

                Comment


                • Originally posted by rah View Post
                  Could you expand on this part a bit. This is something that I havent' heard before and would love to know more about it so when everyone is throwing around the "STOLEN" term I can keep things in perspective.
                  The area was a desolate and sparely populated wasteland before the Jews moved in brought capital and invested in the area. The Arabs selling the land probably felt that they were bilking the Zionists for all they were worth.

                  Comment


                  • The area was a desolate and sparely populated wasteland before the Jews moved in brought capital and invested in the area.



                    That's not true.

                    Comment


                    • Interesting piece from Marc Lynch, getting back to one of the points that I was making earlier in this thread:

                      ... and the winner is (speech!)
                      Wed, 01/07/2009 - 6:52am

                      Ayman al-Zawahiri has finally weighed in on behalf of al-Qaeda over the Gaza crisis, calling it part of the West's war on Islam and calling on Muslims everywhere to attack Western and Israeli targets. He sounds about as happy as I can remember hearing him of late. He probably can't believe his luck.

                      Israel's assault on Gaza has really created an almost unbelievable no-lose situation for al-Qaeda. If Hamas "wins", then al-Qaeda gets to share in the benefits of the political losses incurred by its Western and Arab enemies (Zawahiri mentions Mubarak and the Saudis in this tape, but not the Jordanians) and can try to take advantage of the political upheavals which could follow. If Hamas "loses", al-Qaeda still wins. It will shed no tears at seeing one of its bitterest and most dangerous rivals take a beating at Israel's hands or losing control of a government that they have consistently decried as illegitimate and misguided. Either way, the Gaza crisis guarantees that a far more radicalized Islamic world will face the incoming Obama administration -- potentially severely blunting the challenge which al-Qaeda clearly felt after the election (hence Zawahiri's attempt to pre-emptively discredit Obama by declaring the attack Obama's "gift" to Muslims).

                      The way this crisis is playing out shows the bankruptcy and strategic dangers of trying to simply reduce Hamas to part of an undifferentiated "global terrorist front". The Muslim Brotherhood, from whence Hamas evolved twenty years ago, is no friend of the United States or Israel but is nevertheless one of al-Qaeda's fiercest rivals. Zawahiri himself penned one of the most famous anti-Brotherhood tracts, Bitter Harvest. Over the last few years, the doctrinal and political conflict between the Brotherhood and al-Qaeda's salafi-jihadism has become one of the most active fault-lines in Islamist politics. As ‘Abu Qandahar’ wrote on al-Qaeda's key al-Ekhlaas forum in October 2007, the "Islamic world is divided between two projects, jihad and Ikhwan [Brotherhood]."

                      Hamas enjoys a special place in al-Qaeda's enemies list. Al-Qaeda has long been desperate for a foothold in Palestine, but has been largely kept out because Hamas has the place locked. Jihadist forums bear a deep grudge over Hamas's crackdown on various jihadist groups which have tried to set up shop there (Jaysh al-Islam, et al). In March 2006, Zawahiri denounced Hamas's electoral victory and called on them to reject the democratic trap and pursue armed struggle. In February 2007 he attacked the Mecca Agreement between Fatah and Hamas, and in March declared that Hamas had "surrendered most of Palestine to the Jews, sold the Palestinian issue, and sold shari'a in order to retain leadership of the Palestinian government." In June 2007 he called on Hamas to "correct your path." Just last week, the leading Jordanian jihadist theoretician Abu Mohammed al-Maqdisi (thanks to Will McCants) complained that "Hamas is misleading Muslims with its glittering slogans, which blind people to their wayward goals and strategies, leading them down the path of criminals... [and] Hamas started the bloodshed in Gaza several weeks ago when it killed members of the Army of Islam organization."

                      From al-Qaeda's perspective, therefore, Israel's assault on Gaza is an unmitigated blessing. The images flooding the Arab and world media have already discredited moderates, fueled outrage, and pushed the center of political gravity towards more hard-line and radical positions. As in past crises, Islamists of all stripes are outbidding each other, competing to "lead" the popular outrage, while "moderates" are silent or jumping on the bandwagon. Governments are under pressure, most people are glued to al-Jazeera's coverage (and, from what anyone can tell, ignoring stations that don't offer similar coverage), the internet is flooded with horrifying images, and people are angry and mobilized against Israel, the United States, and their own governments. That's the kind of world al-Qaeda likes to see.

                      Even if Hamas emerges weakened, as Israeli strategists hope, all the better (from al-Qaeda's point of view, that is). In general, where the MB is strong (Egypt, Jordan, and Palestine for example), AQ has had a hard time finding a point of entry despite serious efforts to do so, while where the MB is weak (Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Algeria, Lebanon) it has had more success. Up to now, AQ-minded groups have had little success in penetrating Gaza, because Hamas had it locked. Now they clearly have high hopes of finding an entree with a radicalized, devastated population and a weakened Hamas.

                      Al-Qaeda likely can not thank Israel enough for its efforts over the last two weeks. Over the last few years, al-Qaeda has been losing ground with the mainstream Muslim public -- because of its real radicalism and fringe ideology, its killing of so many Muslim innocents in its attacks in Muslim countries, challenges from other Islamist groups and from within its own ranks, an increasingly effective strategic communications campaign by Western and Arab governments, and more. Israel's military assault against Gaza threatens to reverse that trend.

                      Meanwhile, U.S. public diplomacy (whether in its 1.0 or 2.0 varieties) has been as absent as has been American policy -- a disaster that I'll be picking up in later posts.

                      "Beware of the man who works hard to learn something, learns it, and finds himself no wiser than before. He is full of murderous resentment of people who are ignorant without having come by their ignorance the hard way. "
                      -Bokonon

                      Comment


                      • Originally posted by Naked Gents Rut View Post
                        The area was a desolate and sparely populated wasteland before the Jews moved in brought capital and invested in the area.



                        That's not true.
                        I suppose a case can be made that the Ottoman Census data reflects more Palestinians being counted due to increased economic activity that they were taking part in rather than immigration from other parts of the Empire into the area, but I doubt that there weren't a flood of new arrivals.

                        Comment


                        • Originally posted by Naked Gents Rut View Post
                          You are so dishonest. The Haganah began launching reprisals against Arab traffic and villages in the second week of December 1947, while the Irgun and Stern Gang started carrying out indiscriminate terrorist attacks against Arabs at the same time. You can pretend all you want that the Jews did nothing that would frighten and drive out the Arabs before April 1948, but you're not fooling people who actually know something about the history of the 1948 War.
                          The fact that the increasing level of reprisals on each side was growing is certainly an understandable reason why many residents would want to leave, but it still counts as their own initiative and puts no responsibility on the Jewish side, as you tried to put.

                          Reprisal - "a retaliatory action against an enemy in wartime". Haganah, Irgun and Stern gang attacks against Arabs happened as often as did Arab
                          terrorist attacks against Jewish civilians of the mandate.

                          The increase in violent exchanges between Jews and Arabs in 1947 does not fullfil to any of the following conditions
                          a) Haganah operations to forcefully remove Arab population
                          b) Concrete fear of evictions (since Israeli evictions are not demonstrated to be present until April)
                          c) Concrete fear of massacares like Deir Yassin (since Deir Yassin occured in April and was unique in scale and psychological effect).

                          These are the 3 conditions you claimed stood as the major reasons for Arabs leaving and would constitute Israeli initiative to make them leave.

                          Your original description:
                          The residents of a great number of Arab villages were either forced out by the Haganah or fled in fear of eviction or massacre like that suffered by the Arab residents of Deir Yassin at the hands of the Irgun. Some Arabs did leave on the own initiative, but they were decidedly in the minority.


                          I have demonstrated that almost 200K left before any of those 3 conditions were concretely present. That is not a majority, but certainly not a minuscule minority like your post suggests.

                          The fact that there was an escalating civil conflict between both sides does not absolve those who fled prior to April-March of their own responsibility and their own choise (=initiative) to leave.

                          Which is why my original argument
                          The arabs who left during 1947 did so on their own initiative.

                          Is still essentially correct, when applied to the time of 1947 and until major military action in April-May 1948, which is what I meant.

                          The only difference is that I earlier claimed them to be a majority, something which I could not demonstrate, so I have to concede the numbers issue.

                          I suspect more people left prior to the partition declaration, but I am unable to demonstrate it right now.

                          Comment


                          • but it still counts as their own initiative and puts no responsibility on the Jewish side, as you tried to put.



                            What? Arabs fleeing because the Haganah might attack their village or the Irgun might blow them up on the street "puts no responsibility on the Jewish side"? You can't be serious...

                            I have demonstrated that almost 200K left before any of those 3 conditions were concretely present.



                            Your "3 conditions" are a bull**** strawman and don't reflect my argument. You've turned my factual statement that Haganah attacks and Irgun/Stern Gang massacres and terrorist acts were driving Arabs out almost as soon as the war began on its head to try to support your misguided and false argument that the Arabs who fled Palestine between December 1947 and April 1948 did so of their own initiative. They didn't. They were fleeing Haganah reprisals and attacks on Arab traffic, villages and urban neighborhoods (which did take place before April 1948 despite your protestations) and Irgun/Stern Gang massacres and terrorist attacks (of which Deir Yassin is the most infamous, but hardly the first or only relevant one).

                            Why can't you just accept the truth?

                            Comment


                            • Originally posted by Dr Strangelove View Post
                              Selected by whom?
                              You're welcome to research the selection process and nit pick it.

                              They were the representative and accepted leadership of the local residents. They were palestinian honoraries and what ever other people had the political influence to get into that committe.

                              The nature of the selective process is not my problem nor does it bear any significance to the argument that the arab residents had an effective leadership which was consulted, which represented their interests, and which even went on missions to London on their behalf.

                              I meant a quarter century before the partition of Palestine. During this same time period how many Palestinians were killed? Can anyone truthfully say who fired the first shot? One thing we do know is that a variety of Israeli groups were already conducting an armed campaign against the British occupation and that inevitably some of those victims included Palestinians.
                              This is a lot of effort at obfuscating clearly established historical facts.
                              Arab pogroms came first.
                              They are well documented in 1920, 1921, 1929, all through the 1930s and so on.
                              The Israeli defensive forces of Haganah were established as a reaction to those events. Until 1929 Haganah consisted of local bands of farmers with poor self defense training.

                              It is only the 1929 large massacre that caused Haganah to turn itself into a more serious and more aggressive force, and which lead to the establishment of Irgun in the 1930s, and the Stern gang in the 1940s.

                              On December 19, 1947, Ben-Gurion advised the Haganah on the rules of engagement with the Palestinian population. He stated:

                              "we adopt the system of aggressive defense; with every Arab attack we must respond with a decisive blow: the destruction of the place or the expulsion of the residents along with the seizure of the place." (Expulsion Of The Palestinians, p. 176-177 and Israel: A History, p. 156)
                              Wow, that is a neutrally titled book
                              Since I doubt Ben Gurion wrote the book in question, I would be happy if you state the original document quoted.

                              Even this poor attempt at selective quoting can not disguise the true nature of the text.

                              This is not "rules of engagement with population" as you claim, but an aggressive retaliation policy against demonstrated threats. The policy was to destroy villages whose residents stage attacks on Jews, clearly demonstrating hostility and aggressiveness, and an active threat to Jewish residents.

                              This is not at all a policy regarding engagement of arab population in Palestine.

                              According to Sefer Toldot Ha-Haganah, the official history of the Haganah, it clearly stated how Palestinian villages and population should be dealt with. It stated:

                              "[Palestinian Arab] villages inside the Jewish state that resist 'should be destroyed .... and their inhabitants expelled beyond the borders of the Jewish state.' Meanwhile, 'Palestinian residents of the urban quarters which dominate access to or egress from towns should be expelled beyond the borders of the Jewish state in the event of their resistance.' " (Expulsion Of The Palestinians, p. 178)
                              You're welcome to read those quotes in their context in the full text of Plan Dalet, that I already provided once in a quote above:



                              Expulsion is clearly a tactical policy reserved to pockets of resistance on the outskirts of Israeli borders, which present a clear threat to the Jewish state security.

                              It is clearly not part of a strategical policy to expell any or all residents.

                              From an interview with Benny Morris:
                              You're welcome to read these articles concerning the interesting research practices of Benny Morris.

                              Here Dr. Efraim Karsh, a professor of Mediterranean studies at King's College compares research tactics used by Morris, especially selective and deceptive quotation of Israeli leaders:

                              Benny Morris and the Reign of Error :: Middle East Quarterly

                              The collapse and dispersion of Palestine's Arab society during the 1948 war is one of the most charged issues in the politics and historiography of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Initially, Palestinians blamed the Arab world for having promised military



                              From: http://www.nysun.com/arts/fight-over-1948/75666/

                              This happened when, purely by accident, I noticed a glaring contradiction between the English and Hebrew renditions of an October 1937 letter from David Ben-Gurion to his son. The English version had Ben-Gurion say: "We must expel Arabs and take their places"; the Hebrew edition represented him as saying precisely the opposite. An examination of the original document unequivocally settled the matter. It read: "We do not wish and do not need to expel Arabs and take their place. All our aspiration is built on the assumption ( proven throughout all our activity ) that there is enough room in the country for ourselves and the Arabs."

                              To ascertain whether this was an isolated case of misrepresentation or a pervasive phenomenon, I undertook to carefully examine all the documentation used by Mr. Morris with regard to early Zionist attitudes toward the Arabs. In quick time, I was taken aback by the systematic falsification of evidence aimed at casting Zionism as "a colonizing and expansionist ideology and movement ... intent on politically, or even physically, dispossessing and supplanting the Arabs." This ranged from the more "innocent" act of reading into documents what was not there, to tendentious truncation of source material in a way that distorted its original meaning, to rewriting of original texts to say what they did not mean, as he did with Ben-Gurion's aforementioned letter.

                              As our exchanges reached ever-growing audiences, Mr. Morris was forced to concede that his "treatment of transfer thinking before 1948 was, indeed, superficial," and that he had "stretched" evidence to make his point. He also removed, in an implicit acknowledgment of their inaccuracy, some of the most egregious misquotes about transfer in "The Birth," and admitted that in writing the book, he had not "had access" to ( elsewhere, he says he "was not aware of" ) the voluminous documents in the archives of the Israeli institutions whose actions in 1948 formed the main part of his indictment.

                              This, nevertheless, did not prevent him from claiming, in a revised edition of "The Birth" published in 2004, that "the displacement of Arabs from Palestine or from areas of Palestine that would become the Jewish State was inherent in Zionist ideology" and could be traced back not only to the 1930s, as he claimed before, but to the father of political Zionism, Theodor Herzl. (True to nature, Mr. Morris based his charge on a truncated paragraph from Herzl's diary, which had already been a feature of Palestinian propaganda for decades, and which referred not to Palestine but rather to Argentina, considered at the time by Herzl as the future site of Jewish resettlement.)
                              I've found a whole treasure trove of quotes from early Israeli leaders promising to remove the pesky dark people from the promised land. Care to hear it all?
                              yes.
                              I bet I can refute all of it.

                              Comment


                              • Originally posted by Naked Gents Rut View Post
                                What? Arabs fleeing because the Haganah might attack their village or the Irgun might blow them up on the street "puts no responsibility on the Jewish side"? You can't be serious...
                                I most certainly am.

                                Your argument keeps diminishing the fact that the Haganah / Irgun attacks existed in a setting of mutual attacks between Arab armed groups and Jewish armed groups.

                                You can not describe a complex reality by mentioning only the actions of one side only, and then put responsibility for the complex outcome on that side alone.
                                Had the Jewish side initiated the hostilities against civilians with the intent of driving them out you would have been correct. But that is not the case. The Jewish reprisals did not exist in vacuum.

                                Your descriptions make it sound like there was harmony and butterflies, and then suddenly the Jews went amok on civilians to drive them out.

                                The arab attacks, calls for violence and the initiatives by foreign Arab armies all contributed to the war, and civil war preceding it. In that context the Jewish attacks can not be seen as a single or disconnected factor in the range of threats that were present in 1947 palestine, that made it unsafe to stay here to Palestinians as well as Jewish residents.

                                If there's a bloody war and people choose to leave to avoid it it's their own ****ing choise, and their own initiative.

                                If any Jews decided to leave the Yishuv due to the civil war and the chances of facing arab attacks, it is certainly their own initiative no matter how factors affected their choise. It is a world different from a scenario where the Jordanian legion enters a village and deports its civilians.

                                Your "3 conditions" are a bull**** strawman and don't reflect my argument. You've turned my factual statement that Haganah attacks and Irgun/Stern Gang massacres and terrorist acts were driving Arabs out almost as soon as the war began on its head to try to support your misguided and false argument that the Arabs who fled Palestine between December 1947 and April 1948 did so of their own initiative. They didn't. They were fleeing Haganah reprisals and attacks on Arab traffic, villages and urban neighborhoods (which did take place before April 1948 despite your protestations) and Irgun/Stern Gang massacres and terrorist attacks (of which Deir Yassin is the most infamous, but hardly the first or only relevant one).
                                The fact people were fleeing of fear of possible Jewish reprisals (which were in turn provoked by Arab attacks and so forth) does not equal with Israel forcing them out. What is so difficult to undertand?

                                If my friends and I stumble in a street corner with a dangerous gang and I flee fearing getting my ass kicked, it is not the same as someone threatening me and forcing me to leave.

                                Why can't you just accept the truth?
                                the truth is not with you. at least not as you currently phrase it.

                                Comment

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