Here are some 'nice' facts about Israel:
"The rabbinical courts rule on matters of family, marriage, divorce(14) and all issues covered by Jewish religious law. Parallel courts exist for Moslems, Christians and Druze. Rabbinical courts follow the policies of religious parties, which supervise expression of institutional Judaism in Israel.(15) These religious courts enjoy considerable independence from secular courts. Occasionally the Supreme Court will intervene, but generally it does not intrude on rabbinical rulings, e.g., concerning the validity of Jewish marriages outside the orthodox form or the prohibition of marriages of Jews to Moslems or Christians."
"Traditionally, the Histradut has been a huge owner of heavy industry, thousands of businesses and the dominant labor union -a combination that, while strange to the American ear, harks back to a pre-state "socialist" ideology about government control of production and community. The Histadrut has maintained a health service, a vast pension fund for workers and one of the two largest banks in Israel. Since 1967, however, the power and membership of the Histadrut has declined with the declining fortunes of the Labor Party and a heightened entrepreneurial culture in Israel. In Israel's more privatized economy, workers can obtain health insurance through other insurance funds. International competition coming from the European Union has also put pressure on the Histadrut, traditionally a protector of jobs from foreign competition and a patronage facility for party members.(20)
Historically, the Histadrut has discriminated against Arab-Israeli workers.(21) Not until 1959 did it fully open its doors to Arab-Israelis labor. Still, only ten percent of the total membership in 1978 was Arab-Israeli, while in 1998 it has risen to fourteen percent (below the expected proportional 20 percent)."
"Historically, the Jewish Agency has been compared with the Israeli government: run by a quasi-ministerial cabinet; functioning through the same party system; having a budget comparable to the development budget of the government; possessing a bureaucracy and patronage system that rival the government; and supporting immigration, rural settlement and coordination of a massive urban renewal program that the government might otherwise do. Because it is not part of the official government, the agency's discriminatory funneling of resources to Jewish citizens is less conspicuous. Nevertheless, the agency directs billions of dollars to the development of Jewish, but not Arab-Israeli villages. Virtually all Jewish villages in Israel are electrified; 40 percent of Arab-Israeli villages are not. Jewish villages have plentiful, inexpensive water, Arab villages do not.(22)"
Expropriation of Arab-owned land in Israel by all levels of govenrnment
"Zionists wanted a Jewish-run state for the Jewish people on Jewish-owned land. But less than 10 percent of the land of Israel was owned by Jews or Jewish organizations at the end of the 1948 war.(34) Consequently, Israel sought to make the Jewish state the owner of the land. This effort proved very successful. Virtually all Arab-owned land in Israel (about 91 percent of the country in 1948) was eventually and seemingly legally transfered to the Jewish state or to the Jewish National Fund by 1966. Nearly all new Jewish settlements between 1948 and early 1953 were built on Arab land dubbed "abandoned" despite that fact that most Arab refugees were kept at gunpoint(!) from returning.(35) This seizure was in violation of the UN Partition Resolution stipulation that "no expropriation of land owned by an Arab in the Jewish state shall be allowed except for public purposes... ..In all cases of expropriation, full compensation as fixed by the Supreme Court shall be paid prior to dispossession."(36)"
"(4) Nationalization of land. The land of Arab refugees and Arab-Israeli citizens was converted into Israeli state-owned "public" land through the Jewish National Fund. Superficially, the conversion had the appearance of satisfying a UN proscription against expropriation of Arab lands "except for public purposes." JNF administration made the land "public" by definition. Because JNF land was reserved for Jewish use only, the Arab citizen lost his land.
There was a hitch in this last nationalization scheme. Nationalization by the state required proof of state ownership -ordinarily proved by payment of compensation. After a five-year delay, the government passed a law to compensate Arabs for expropriated land (Validation of Acts and Compensation Law, 1953) -perhaps out of fear that the whole question of expropriation would someday flare up.(41) At first the government offered 1947 land prices, then 1950 prices. Prime Minister Moshe Sharett considered the latter compensation to be a "scandalous robbery" since the Israeli pound was worth one-fifth its former value due to hyperinflation.(42) A large number of Arab-Israeli citizens refused to sign away their land for unfair compensation. To Palestinian-Arab refugees outside Israel, compensation for land and property was never offered."
"A democratic state exists for all its citizens, not just for its ethnic majority. Alternatively, a Jewish state could be seen to be democratic were it to have Jewish citizens only. Israel attempted to arrange this last by denying citizenship to Moslems and Christians by means of a 1952 Nationality Law.(44) This complex law effectively precluded the citizenship of either Palestinian-Arab refugees or Palestinians living in Israel unless they could prove their former Palestinian citizenship -an intentionally difficult qualification for most Palestinians.(45) As a result, some 40,000 Palestinian Arabs living in Israel were disqualified from citizenship. This Nationality Law, a violation of the UN partition resolution and the Balfour Declaration, embittered the Arab population and after years of dispute, many Palestinian-Arabs finally obtained citizenship."
The status of Arab-Israelis in the 1990s
"Arab-Israelis, twenty percent of Israel's population, hold seventeen of 1,300 senior government positions, ten of 5,000 university posts and on average garner about five percent of Knesset seats. They are segregated into low-status jobs and constitute well over half of all those below Israel's poverty line. Though Israeli law "explicitly forbids discrimination in employment on religious, ethnic or national grounds, there is no enforcement mechanism outside normal criminal procedures. Consequently, such discrimination is basically unchecked and prevails widely: in practice it is sanctioned by the norms of Jewish economic and social life."(46)
(source: B.Thomas, "How Israel Was Won",1999)
(14) "For all practical purposes, civil divorce now exitst in Israel, not through legislation, but by the creation of the Supreme Court." William Frankel, Israel Observed: An Anatomy of the State (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1980), 129
(15) Religious political parties control the religious education of immigration, state sponsorship of religious schools, exemption of Orthodox girls from military or national service, imposition of religious law on public behavior and patronage through party clout. H.Sachar, A History of Israel, Vol. I, 379-82.
(20) The deputy defense minister in 1979 called the Histadrut "a Mafia which gives back to parasites." For the Histadrut in 1980: Frankel, Observed, 194-5.
(21) Ian Lustick found in 1980 that "of the thousands of Histadrut firms and factories not one is located in an Arab village." Arabs, 96. Noam Chomsky noted in 1976 that "Histadrut programs are overwhelmingly organized for the benefit of Jews. There are still no Arab members of the eighteen-man Central Committee of the Histadrut and no Arabs among the more than six hundred managers and directors of Histadrut-controlled industry." Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel (London: Monthly Review Press, 1976), xii.
(22) Concerning land and water use, confiscation of Arab-owned land and use of water in Israel has meant that, per capita, Arab farmers produce only one-sixteenth as much as Jewish farmers. The Jewish Agency provides little support for agriculture, industry or commerce to Arab citizens compared with their Jewish counterparts. Income, infant mortality, school support, meaningful employment and housing are notably disadvantaged. See Howard Sachar, History: From the Aftermath of the Yom Kippur War, Vol. II (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 34.
(34) In 1949, the Jews had possession of about 77 percent of Palestine (20.5 out of 26.4 million dunams) but owned only 8.4 percent in Palestine. In May 1948, Jews owned about 6.6 percent of Palestine (1.74 million dumans). Walter Lehn, "The Jewish National Fund", Journal of Palestine Studies 3, No. 4 (Summer 1974), 74 n 2. UN estimates of Jewish ownership in May 1948 range from 6 to 15 percent. Stephen Green, Taking Sides *Brattleboro Vt.: Amana Press, 1988), 100n
(35) Don peretz, Israel and the Palestine Arabs (Washington: Middle East Institute, 1958), 143. Thirty-five thousand were eventually allowed to return.
(36) Cited in Sachar, History, Vol. I, 386.
(41) Jiryis, Arabs in Israel, 126.
(42) Jiryis, Arabs in Israel, 127.
(44) Sachar, History, Vol. I, 383-4
(45) Sachar, History, Vol. I, 383-4
(46) Quote and preceding statistics from Dowty, The jewish State, 195, 200. "Army service is another basis for discrimination. The military [forbidden Arab-Israelis] is a source of important benefits in employment, housing and education (198)." Many Arabs vote for Jewish parties, tactically, since Arab candidate lists are not likely coalition partners and thus not an effective route to influence (195).
"The rabbinical courts rule on matters of family, marriage, divorce(14) and all issues covered by Jewish religious law. Parallel courts exist for Moslems, Christians and Druze. Rabbinical courts follow the policies of religious parties, which supervise expression of institutional Judaism in Israel.(15) These religious courts enjoy considerable independence from secular courts. Occasionally the Supreme Court will intervene, but generally it does not intrude on rabbinical rulings, e.g., concerning the validity of Jewish marriages outside the orthodox form or the prohibition of marriages of Jews to Moslems or Christians."
"Traditionally, the Histradut has been a huge owner of heavy industry, thousands of businesses and the dominant labor union -a combination that, while strange to the American ear, harks back to a pre-state "socialist" ideology about government control of production and community. The Histadrut has maintained a health service, a vast pension fund for workers and one of the two largest banks in Israel. Since 1967, however, the power and membership of the Histadrut has declined with the declining fortunes of the Labor Party and a heightened entrepreneurial culture in Israel. In Israel's more privatized economy, workers can obtain health insurance through other insurance funds. International competition coming from the European Union has also put pressure on the Histadrut, traditionally a protector of jobs from foreign competition and a patronage facility for party members.(20)
Historically, the Histadrut has discriminated against Arab-Israeli workers.(21) Not until 1959 did it fully open its doors to Arab-Israelis labor. Still, only ten percent of the total membership in 1978 was Arab-Israeli, while in 1998 it has risen to fourteen percent (below the expected proportional 20 percent)."
"Historically, the Jewish Agency has been compared with the Israeli government: run by a quasi-ministerial cabinet; functioning through the same party system; having a budget comparable to the development budget of the government; possessing a bureaucracy and patronage system that rival the government; and supporting immigration, rural settlement and coordination of a massive urban renewal program that the government might otherwise do. Because it is not part of the official government, the agency's discriminatory funneling of resources to Jewish citizens is less conspicuous. Nevertheless, the agency directs billions of dollars to the development of Jewish, but not Arab-Israeli villages. Virtually all Jewish villages in Israel are electrified; 40 percent of Arab-Israeli villages are not. Jewish villages have plentiful, inexpensive water, Arab villages do not.(22)"
Expropriation of Arab-owned land in Israel by all levels of govenrnment
"Zionists wanted a Jewish-run state for the Jewish people on Jewish-owned land. But less than 10 percent of the land of Israel was owned by Jews or Jewish organizations at the end of the 1948 war.(34) Consequently, Israel sought to make the Jewish state the owner of the land. This effort proved very successful. Virtually all Arab-owned land in Israel (about 91 percent of the country in 1948) was eventually and seemingly legally transfered to the Jewish state or to the Jewish National Fund by 1966. Nearly all new Jewish settlements between 1948 and early 1953 were built on Arab land dubbed "abandoned" despite that fact that most Arab refugees were kept at gunpoint(!) from returning.(35) This seizure was in violation of the UN Partition Resolution stipulation that "no expropriation of land owned by an Arab in the Jewish state shall be allowed except for public purposes... ..In all cases of expropriation, full compensation as fixed by the Supreme Court shall be paid prior to dispossession."(36)"
"(4) Nationalization of land. The land of Arab refugees and Arab-Israeli citizens was converted into Israeli state-owned "public" land through the Jewish National Fund. Superficially, the conversion had the appearance of satisfying a UN proscription against expropriation of Arab lands "except for public purposes." JNF administration made the land "public" by definition. Because JNF land was reserved for Jewish use only, the Arab citizen lost his land.
There was a hitch in this last nationalization scheme. Nationalization by the state required proof of state ownership -ordinarily proved by payment of compensation. After a five-year delay, the government passed a law to compensate Arabs for expropriated land (Validation of Acts and Compensation Law, 1953) -perhaps out of fear that the whole question of expropriation would someday flare up.(41) At first the government offered 1947 land prices, then 1950 prices. Prime Minister Moshe Sharett considered the latter compensation to be a "scandalous robbery" since the Israeli pound was worth one-fifth its former value due to hyperinflation.(42) A large number of Arab-Israeli citizens refused to sign away their land for unfair compensation. To Palestinian-Arab refugees outside Israel, compensation for land and property was never offered."
"A democratic state exists for all its citizens, not just for its ethnic majority. Alternatively, a Jewish state could be seen to be democratic were it to have Jewish citizens only. Israel attempted to arrange this last by denying citizenship to Moslems and Christians by means of a 1952 Nationality Law.(44) This complex law effectively precluded the citizenship of either Palestinian-Arab refugees or Palestinians living in Israel unless they could prove their former Palestinian citizenship -an intentionally difficult qualification for most Palestinians.(45) As a result, some 40,000 Palestinian Arabs living in Israel were disqualified from citizenship. This Nationality Law, a violation of the UN partition resolution and the Balfour Declaration, embittered the Arab population and after years of dispute, many Palestinian-Arabs finally obtained citizenship."
The status of Arab-Israelis in the 1990s
"Arab-Israelis, twenty percent of Israel's population, hold seventeen of 1,300 senior government positions, ten of 5,000 university posts and on average garner about five percent of Knesset seats. They are segregated into low-status jobs and constitute well over half of all those below Israel's poverty line. Though Israeli law "explicitly forbids discrimination in employment on religious, ethnic or national grounds, there is no enforcement mechanism outside normal criminal procedures. Consequently, such discrimination is basically unchecked and prevails widely: in practice it is sanctioned by the norms of Jewish economic and social life."(46)
(source: B.Thomas, "How Israel Was Won",1999)
(14) "For all practical purposes, civil divorce now exitst in Israel, not through legislation, but by the creation of the Supreme Court." William Frankel, Israel Observed: An Anatomy of the State (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1980), 129
(15) Religious political parties control the religious education of immigration, state sponsorship of religious schools, exemption of Orthodox girls from military or national service, imposition of religious law on public behavior and patronage through party clout. H.Sachar, A History of Israel, Vol. I, 379-82.
(20) The deputy defense minister in 1979 called the Histadrut "a Mafia which gives back to parasites." For the Histadrut in 1980: Frankel, Observed, 194-5.
(21) Ian Lustick found in 1980 that "of the thousands of Histadrut firms and factories not one is located in an Arab village." Arabs, 96. Noam Chomsky noted in 1976 that "Histadrut programs are overwhelmingly organized for the benefit of Jews. There are still no Arab members of the eighteen-man Central Committee of the Histadrut and no Arabs among the more than six hundred managers and directors of Histadrut-controlled industry." Sabri Jiryis, The Arabs in Israel (London: Monthly Review Press, 1976), xii.
(22) Concerning land and water use, confiscation of Arab-owned land and use of water in Israel has meant that, per capita, Arab farmers produce only one-sixteenth as much as Jewish farmers. The Jewish Agency provides little support for agriculture, industry or commerce to Arab citizens compared with their Jewish counterparts. Income, infant mortality, school support, meaningful employment and housing are notably disadvantaged. See Howard Sachar, History: From the Aftermath of the Yom Kippur War, Vol. II (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 34.
(34) In 1949, the Jews had possession of about 77 percent of Palestine (20.5 out of 26.4 million dunams) but owned only 8.4 percent in Palestine. In May 1948, Jews owned about 6.6 percent of Palestine (1.74 million dumans). Walter Lehn, "The Jewish National Fund", Journal of Palestine Studies 3, No. 4 (Summer 1974), 74 n 2. UN estimates of Jewish ownership in May 1948 range from 6 to 15 percent. Stephen Green, Taking Sides *Brattleboro Vt.: Amana Press, 1988), 100n
(35) Don peretz, Israel and the Palestine Arabs (Washington: Middle East Institute, 1958), 143. Thirty-five thousand were eventually allowed to return.
(36) Cited in Sachar, History, Vol. I, 386.
(41) Jiryis, Arabs in Israel, 126.
(42) Jiryis, Arabs in Israel, 127.
(44) Sachar, History, Vol. I, 383-4
(45) Sachar, History, Vol. I, 383-4
(46) Quote and preceding statistics from Dowty, The jewish State, 195, 200. "Army service is another basis for discrimination. The military [forbidden Arab-Israelis] is a source of important benefits in employment, housing and education (198)." Many Arabs vote for Jewish parties, tactically, since Arab candidate lists are not likely coalition partners and thus not an effective route to influence (195).
Comment