President Putin in WW2

[Bereta_Eder]

https://www.efsyn.gr/stiles/apopseis/248545_75-hronia-apo-ti-megali-niki-koini-eythyni-apenanti-stin-istoria-kai-mellon

I find it interesting that putin wrote a personal letter to the people of Greece concerning ww2.


listening to muricans talking about it you'd thought the nazis won. they actually did over there.


now I appreciate putin's interest but it's a very long letter. There is no way I',m reading it alone


so doing the little nazis a favor I impart some wisdom

[Bereta_Eder]

75 chrónia apó ti Megáli Níki: koiní efthýni apénanti stin Istoría kai to méllon Vlantímir Poútin* A- A+ Árthro tou proédrou tis Rosikís Omospondías, Vlantimír Poútin, stin «Efimerída ton Syntaktón». Pérasan 75 chrónia apó to télos tou Megálou Patriotikoú Polémou (1941-1945). Gia tous dikoús mou goneís ítan ta tromerá chrónia sto apokleisméno Lénin'nkrant, ópou péthane o adelfós mou Víktor, dýo etón, ópou apó thávma émeine zontaní i mitéra mou. O patéras mou, paróti tou eíche chorigitheí apallagí, píge ethelontís na yperaspízetai tin póli tou. Polemoúse sto progefýroma «Nevsky Pyatachok», travmatístike variá. Efthýni mas apénanti sto parelthón kai to méllon eínai na kánoume to pan gia na apotrépsoume tin epanálipsi ton tromerón tragodión. Gi’ aftó kai theórisa kathíkon mou na milíso m’ aftó to árthro gia ton V’ Pankósmio Pólemo. Tha ypenthymíso gia álli mia forá káti to aftonóito: oi vathýtates aitíes tou V’ Pankosmíou Polémou vrískontai en polloís stis apofáseis pou párthikan sto katópi tou A’ Pankosmíou Polémou. Sovietikoí stratiótes apothétoun sýmvola ton Nazí katá ti diárkeia tis Parélasis tis Níkis stin Kókkini Plateía metá to télos tou V' Pankosmíou Polémou, Ioúnios 1945 Yevgeny Khaldei/TASS I Synthíki ton Versallión státhike gia ti Germanía sýmvolo vathiás adikías. O archistrátigos ton symmachikón dynámeon, Gállos stratárchis Ferntinán Fos, charaktírise profitiká ti Synthíki: «Den eínai eiríni, eínai anakochí gia eíkosi chrónia». Aftí akrivós i ethnikí tapeínosi eíche diamorfósei to katállilo perivállon gia tis akraíes kai revansistikés diathéseis sti Germanía. Oi nazistés, ekmetallevómenoi entéchnos aftá ta synaisthímata, échtizan tin propagánda tous, yposchómenoi na apalláxoun ti Germanía apó ti «variá klironomiá ton Versallión», na apokatastísoun tin pálai poté dýnamí tis, kai stin ousía othoúsan ton germanikó laó ston néo pólemo. Paradóxos, s’ aftó, ámesa í émmesa, synévalan ta dytiká kráti, protístos i Megáli Vretanía kai oi IPA. Oi oikonomikoí kai viomichanikoí tous kýkloi arketá energá epéndyan ta kefálaiá tous sta germaniká ergostásia kai tis fámprikes. Ena apó ta vasikótera apotelésmata tou A’ Pankosmíou Polémou ítan i ídrysi tis Koinonías ton Ethnón. Allá i Koinonía ton Ethnón, ópou kyriarchoúsan ta kráti-nikités, i Megáli Vretanía kai i Gallía, ypédeixe tin anapotelesmatikótitá tis kai aplá cháthike stis anoúsies syzitíseis. Stin Koinonía ton Ethnón kai genikós stin evropaïkí ípeiro den eisakoústikan oi epanalamvanómenes ekklíseis tis Sovietikís Enosis gia ti dimiourgía enós díkaiou systímatos syllogikís asfáleias. Synkekriména, na ypografoún i Anatolikí Synthíki kai i Synthíki Eirinikoú, pou tha apoteloúsan anáchoma stis epithetikés diathéseis. Stratótes tou Kókkinou Stratoú topothetoún tin sovietikí simaía stin Pýli tou Vrademvoúrgou, Verolíno, 1945 Yevgeny Khaldey/TASS I Koinonía ton Ethnón den katáfere na apotrépsei synkroúseis se diáfora méri tou kósmou. Kai óson aforá ti Symfonía tou Monáchou, ópou ektós apó ton Chítler kai ton Mousolíni symmeteíchan kai oi archigoí tis Megális Vretanías kai tis Gallías, aftí odígise, me plíri synkatáthesi tis Koinonías ton Ethnón, ston diamelismó tis Tsechoslovakías. Thélo na simeióso schetiká óti, se antíthesi me polloús tóte archigoús tis Evrópis, o Stálin den échei ektetheí me prosopikí synántisi me ton Chítler, ton opoíon theoroúsan tóte stous dytikoús kýklous kath’ óla axiosévasto politikó, kalodechoúmeno stis protévouses tis Evrópis. Ston diamelismó tis Tsechoslovakías, mazí me ti Germanía symmeteíche kai i Polonía. Exarchís kai apó koinoú apofásizan poia méri tis Tsechoslovakías tha párei i kathemiá tous. O diamelismós tis Tsechoslovakías ítan sklirós kai kynikós. To Mónacho édeixe pos tis amoivaíes symfoníes den tis logariázei kathólou. I Symfonía tou Monáchou égine ekeíni i skandáli, i opoía, an patiótan, ítan adýnaton pléon na apotrapeí énas megálos pólemos stin Evrópi. Símera oi politikoí tis Evrópis, protístos tis Polonías, tha íthelan na «aposiopísoun» to Mónacho. I Vretanía, kathós kai i Gallía, pou ítan tóte kýrioi sýmmachoi ton Tséchon kai Slovákon, protímisan na xechásoun tis engyíseis pou dóthikan gia na apotrapeí o katasparagmós aftís tis anatolikoevropaïkís chóras. Den tin parátisan aplá, allá skópevan na katefthýnoun tis diathéseis tis Germanías pros tin Anatolí, óste na gínei anapófefkti i sýnkrousi Germanías kai Sovietikís Enosis kai i afaímaxi amfotéron. I Symfonía tou Monáchou édeixe sti Sovietikí Enosi óti ta dytiká kráti tha lýnoun ta zitímata tis asfáleias chorís na ypologízoun ta symférontá tis, kai me káthe efkairía boroún na dimiourgísoun to antisovietikó métopo. I Sovietikí Enosi ós tin teleftaía stigmí prospathoúse na axiopoiísei káthe efkairía gia dimiourgía mias antichitlerikís symmachías, pará ti diprósopi stási ton dytikón chorón. Etsi, apó tis ypiresíes pliroforión i sovietikí igesía lámvane leptomereís pliroforíes gia tis paraskiniakés epafés metaxý Germanías kai Anglías to kalokaíri tou 1939. Thélo na toníso: oi epafés ítan entatikés kai schedón taftóchrones me tis trimereís diavouléfseis ton ekpr
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75 years since the Great Victory: a shared responsibility towards History and the future
Vladimir Putin*

A- A +

Article by the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, in the "Journal of Authors".

75 years have passed since the end of the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945). For my parents, it was a terrible year in blocking Leningrad, where my two-year-old brother Victor died, where my mother miraculously survived. My father, even though he had been acquitted, volunteered to defend his city. He was fighting on the bridgehead "Nevsky Pyatachok", he was seriously injured.

Our responsibility towards the past and the future is to do everything to prevent the recurrence of terrible tragedies. That is why I consider it my duty to speak in this article about World War II. I would like to remind you once again of the obvious: the deepest causes of World War II are largely in the decisions made after World War I.

Soviet soldiers display Nazi symbols during the Victory Parade in Red Square after the end of World War II, June 1945
Yevgeny Khaldei / TASS

The Treaty of Versailles was a symbol of deep injustice for Germany. The commander-in-chief of the allied forces, French General Ferdinand Foss, prophetically described the Treaty as "not peace, it is a truce for twenty years."

It was precisely this national humiliation that had created the right environment for extremist and revanchist sentiments in Germany. The Nazis, skillfully exploiting these sentiments, built their propaganda, promising to liberate Germany from the "heavy legacy of Versailles", to restore its former power, and in essence pushing the German people into a new war. Surprisingly, this was directly or indirectly contributed by the Western states, primarily Great Britain and the United States. Their economic and industrial circles have invested heavily in German factories and factories.

One of the main results of World War I was the founding of the League of Nations. But the League of Nations, dominated by the victorious states, Great Britain and France, indicated its ineffectiveness and simply disappeared in meaningless discussions. The repeated calls of the Soviet Union for the creation of a fair system of collective security have not been heard in the League of Nations and on the European continent in general. Specifically, to sign the Eastern Treaty and the Peace Treaty, which would be a bulwark against aggressive dispositions.

Red Army soldiers place the Soviet flag at the Brandenburg Gate, Berlin, 1945
Yevgeny Khaldey / TASS

The League of Nations has failed to prevent conflicts in various parts of the world. And as for the Munich Agreement, in which, in addition to Hitler and Mussolini, the leaders of Great Britain and France also took part, it led, with the full consent of the League of Nations, to the partition of Czechoslovakia. I would like to point out that, unlike many European leaders at the time, Stalin was not exposed to a personal meeting with Hitler, whom at the time was considered in Western circles a highly respected politician, welcomed in the capitals of Europe.

In the partition of Czechoslovakia, along with Germany, Poland also participated. From the beginning, they jointly decided which parts of Czechoslovakia would each take. The partition of Czechoslovakia was harsh and cynical. Munich has shown that it does not care about mutual agreements at all. The Munich Agreement became that scandal, which, if pressed, would no longer be possible to prevent a major war in Europe.

Today, European politicians, especially Poland, would like to "silence" Munich. Britain, as well as France, which was then a key ally of the Czechs and Slovaks, preferred to forget the guarantees given to prevent the devastation of this eastern European country.

They did not simply abandon it, but intended to direct Germany's disposition toward the East so that the conflict between Germany and the Soviet Union and the bloodshed of both would become inevitable. The Munich Agreement showed the Soviet Union that Western states would resolve security issues without taking into account its interests, and could create an anti-Soviet front at every opportunity.

Until the last moment, the Soviet Union was trying to seize every opportunity to create an anti-Hitler alliance, despite the two-faced attitude of the western countries. Thus, from the intelligence services, the Soviet leadership received detailed information about the backstage contacts between Germany and England in the summer of 1939.
I would like to emphasize that the contacts were intensive and almost simultaneous with the tripartite consultations of the representatives of France, Great Britain and the USSR, which were deliberately "dragged" by the Western partners.

In the current situation, the Soviet Union had signed the Non-Aggression Pact with Germany, and it was essentially the last of the European countries to do so. And all this under the real threat of war on two fronts - with Germany in the west and Japan in the east.

Stalin and his entourage deserve to be blamed for many and rightly so. But not for ignorance of the nature of external threats. They clearly saw an attempt to set up the Soviet Union against Germany and its allies and acted accordingly, realizing this real threat to gain valuable time to strengthen the country's defense.

It would be naive to believe that, ending with Czechoslovakia, Hitler would not incur subsequent territorial claims. This time against its recent ally in the partition of Czechoslovakia, Poland. The tragedy that followed weighed exclusively on the consciousness of the then Polish leadership, which prevented the signing of the agreement between England, France and the USSR and placed its hopes on the help of the Western partners, thus exposing its people to the Nazis. disaster machine. Western partners did not live up to Poland's expectations.

Later, at the Nuremberg Trials, the German generals tried to explain their rapid success in the East, and the former head of the Wehrmacht's Operations Command, A. Jondl, stated: "... If in 1939 we had not Even if it is defeated, we owe it to the fact that about 110 French and British divisions, fighting in our war with Poland in the west, against the 23 German divisions, were completely inactive. "

Immediately after the attack on Poland in the early days of September 1939, Berlin persistently and repeatedly called on Moscow to take part in military operations. The Soviet leadership ignored these appeals. Only when it became clear that Great Britain and France did not intend to help their ally and the Wehrmacht had the ability to quickly occupy all of Poland and actually find itself near Minsk on 17 September was the decision taken to lead. units of the Red Army in the eastern border areas, which are now part of the territories of Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania. Hitler repeatedly tried to push the USSR into confrontation with Great Britain, but the Soviet leadership did not give up.

Hitler made the last attempt to persuade the Soviet Union to take joint action during Molotov's visit to Berlin in November 1940. But Molotov literally followed Stalin's instructions and limited himself to very general discussions about the German idea. with the participation of the USSR in the Treaty of Three, in the Alliance of Germany, Italy and Japan, signed in September 1940.

And already in December, setting aside all the warnings of his generals about the catastrophic danger of war on both fronts, he signed the "Barbarossa Plan". He did so after realizing that the Soviet Union was the main force opposing him in Europe and that the future confrontation in the East would be decisive for the outcome of the world war. As for the campaign in Moscow, he was sure it would be quick and successful.

World War II did not start suddenly. And Germany's attack on Poland was not unexpected. It was the result of many circumstances and factors of that period. But, undoubtedly, what had predetermined the greatest tragedy in the history of mankind was the selfishness of states, cowardice, retreat in the face of the invading, increasingly powerful, the unpreparedness of political elites to seek reconciliation. That is why it is dishonest to claim that the two-day visit to Moscow of Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop was the main reason for the outbreak of World War II. All major countries to one degree or another have their share of responsibility for starting it.


To gráfo chorís na écho tin paramikrí próthesi na katigoríso tous men kai na athoóso tous de. Omos polloí apó tous etaírous mas ólo kai anevázoun tis diastáseis ton pliroforiakón epithéseon katá tis chóras mas. Vgázoun vathiá ypokritikés politikopoiiménes anakoinóseis. Etsi, p.ch., to psífisma «Gia ti simasía diatírisis tis istorikís mnímis gia to méllon tis Evrópis», pou enkríthike stis 19 Septemvríou tou 2019 apó to Evrokoinovoúlio, katigórise efthéos tin ESSD –mazí me ti nazistikí Germanía– gia tin exapólysi tou V’ Pankosmíou Polémou. Eínai aftonóito óti den ypárchei kamiá mneía gia ti Symfonía tou Monáchou. Ektós apó tin apeilí gia tis themeliódeis archés tis pankósmias táxis, edó ypárchei kai mia álli, ithikí plevrá. O chlevasmós, i diastrévlosi tis mnímis apoteleí óneidos. Sti syntriví tou nazismoú –ó,ti kai an prospathoún na apodeíxoun símera– i apofasistikí syneisforá ítan tis Sovietikís Enosis. 75% ólon ton prospatheión tis antichitlerikís symmachías aníkoun stin ESSD. Stis 27 Septemvríou tou 1944, stin epistolí pros ton Stálin, o Tsórtsil égrafe óti «o rosikós stratós ítan aftós pou xekoíliase ti germanikí polemikí michaní...». Schedón 27 ekatommýria Sovietikoí polítes skotóthikan sta métopa, sti germanikí aichmalosía, péthanan apó peína í skotóthikan stous vomvardismoús, sta nkéto kai stous foúrnous ton nazistikón stratopédon synkéntrosis. I ESSD échase káthe évdomo políti tis chóras, i Megáli Vretanía énan stous 127 kai oi IPA énan stous 320. O pyrínas tis antichitlerikís symmachías árchise na diamorfónetai amésos metá tin epíthesi katá tis Sovietikís Enosis, ótan oi IPA kai i Megáli Vretanía ti stírixan asyzitití ston agóna katá tis chitlerikís Germanías. Sti Diáskepsi tis Techeránis, to 1943, oi Stálin, Roúzvelt kai Tsórtsil éftiaxan ti Symmachía ton Megálon Chorón. I ESSD tiroúse apólyta tis ypochreóseis apénanti stous symmáchous tis, pánta áplone cheíra voitheías. Etsi, me ti megális klímakas epicheírisi «Bankratión» sti Lefkorosía, o Kókkinos Stratós stírixe tin apóvasi ton Anglon kai ton Amerikanón sti Normandía. Ton Ianouário tou 1945, prochoróntas pros ton potamó Onter, oi machités mas évalan télos stin teleftaía ischyrí epíthesi tou Vérmacht sto Dytikó Métopo, stis Ardénnes. Kai treis mínes metá ti níki ston pólemo katá tis Germanías, i ESSD, akolouthóntas ti Synthíki tis Giáltas, kíryxe pólemo stin Iaponía kai níkise tin terástia stratiá tou Kvantoún. To 1945 ékanan tin emfánisí tous kai ta pyriniká ópla. I diefthétisi ton diafonión me methódous vías égine exairetiká epikíndyni. I thliverí empeiría tis Koinonías ton Ethnón elífthi ypópsi to 1945. I domí tou Symvoulíou Asfaleías tou OIE diamorfóthike étsi óste oi engyíseis ypér tis eirínis na gínoun sto mégisto synkekriménes kai apotelesmatikés. Etsi, genníthike o thesmós ton mónimon melón tou Symvoulíou Asfaleías kai to dikaíoma tou véto os pronómio kai efthýni tous. Ti simaínei to dikaíoma tou véto? Eínai i monadikí logikí enallaktikí stin ámesi sýnkrousi metaxý ton megalýteron chorón. To gegonós óti o Psychrós Pólemos den katélixe se G’ Pankósmio Pólemo epivevaíose thriamveftiká tin apotelesmatikótita ton symfonión ton «Trión Megálon». Oi archés leitourgías tou Symvoulíou Asfaleías tou OIE eínai o monadikós michanismós apotropís mias pankósmias sýnkrousis. Símera, ópos kai to 1945, prépei na deíxoume politikí voúlisi kai synáma na syzitísoume to méllon. Oi etaíroi mas, kýrioi Si Tzinpín'nk, Makrón, Trab, Tzónson, échoun ypostiríxei ti rosikí protovoulía gia diexagogí tis synántisis archigón ton pénte pyrinikón kratón, mónimon melón tou S.A. Próta ap’ óla eínai skópimo na syzitísoume vímata gia tin anáptyxi ton syllogikón archón stis pankósmies ypothéseis, na milísoume eilikriná gia ta zitímata diatírisis tis eirínis, eníschysis tis pankósmias kai tis perifereiakís asfáleias, elénchou ton stratigikón exoplismón, syllogikón energeión ston agóna katá tis tromokratías kai tou extremismoú. I Synántisi Koryfís Rosías, Kínas, Gallías, IPA kai Megális Vretanías tha diadramatísei simantikó rólo stin exévresi koinón apantíseon stis sýnchrones apeilés. Boroúme kai prépei na empistevómaste o énas ton állon. Aftí i empistosýni tha apotelései vási gia syntonisménes dráseis gia tin eníschysi tis asfáleias ston planíti. Chorís ypervolés, s’ aftó synístatai to koinó mas kathíkon kai efthýni apénanti se ólo ton kósmo. ● To plíres árthro dimosiévetai ston epísimo istótopo tis proedrías, kremlin.ru *próedros tis Rosikís Omospondías
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I am writing this without the slightest intention of blaming them and acquitting them. However, many of our partners are increasing the size of the information attacks against our country. They make deeply hypocritical politicized announcements. Thus, for example, the resolution "On the importance of preserving historical memory for the future of Europe", which was approved by the European Parliament on September 19, 2019, directly accused the USSR - along with Nazi Germany - of unleashing it. World War II. It goes without saying that there is no mention of the Munich Agreement.

In addition to the threat to the fundamental principles of world order, there is another, moral side. The mockery, the distortion of memory is a disgrace.

In the collapse of Nazism - whatever they are trying to prove today - the decisive contribution was made by the Soviet Union. 75% of all anti-Hitler alliance efforts belong to the USSR. On September 27, 1944, in a letter to Stalin, Churchill wrote that "the Russian army was the one who dismantled the German war machine ...". Nearly 27 million Soviet citizens were killed on the front lines, in German captivity, starved to death, or killed in bombings, ghettos, and Nazi concentration camps. The USSR lost one in seven citizens, the United Kingdom one in 127 and the United States one in 320.

The core of the anti-Hitler alliance began to take shape immediately after the attack on the Soviet Union, when the United States and Great Britain unequivocally supported it in the fight against Hitler's Germany. At the Tehran Conference in 1943, Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill formed the Alliance of Great Powers.

The USSR fully complied with its obligations to its allies, always extending a helping hand. Thus, with the large-scale operation "Bagration" in Belarus, the Red Army supported the landing of the British and the Americans in Normandy. In January 1945, advancing on the Oder River, our fighters put an end to the last strong attack of the Wehrmacht on the Western Front, in Ardennes. And three months after the victory in the war against Germany, the USSR, following the Yalta Treaty, declared war on Japan and defeated Quantum's huge army.

In 1945, nuclear weapons also appeared. The settlement of disputes by violent means has become extremely dangerous. The sad experience of the League of Nations was taken into account in 1945. The structure of the UN Security Council was set up so that the guarantees in favor of peace could be made as concrete and effective as possible. Thus, the institution of the permanent members of the Security Council and the right of veto as their privilege and responsibility were born.

What does the right of veto mean? It is the only logical alternative to the immediate conflict between the larger countries. The fact that the Cold War did not end in World War III triumphantly confirmed the effectiveness of the "Big Three" agreements. The principles of the UN Security Council are the only mechanism to prevent a global conflict.

Today, as in 1945, we must show political will and at the same time discuss the future. Our partners, Messrs. Xi Jinping, Macron, Trump, Johnson, have backed Russia's initiative to hold a meeting of leaders of the five nuclear states, permanent members of the SAA. First of all, it is appropriate to discuss steps for the development of collective principles in global affairs, to speak honestly on issues of peacekeeping, strengthening global and regional security, controlling strategic armaments, collective action and collective action in the fight against terrorism. of extremism.

The Summit of Russia, China, France, the United States and the United Kingdom will play an important role in finding common ground on modern threats. We can and should trust each other. This confidence will be the basis for coordinated action to strengthen security on the planet. Without exaggeration, this is our common duty and responsibility to the whole world.

. The full article is published on the official website of the presidency, kremlin.ru

* President of the Russian Federation



thanks google

[Bereta_Eder]

75 years since the Great Victory: a shared responsibility towards History and the future
Vladimir Putin*


Article by the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, in the "Journal of Authors".

75 years have passed since the end of the Great Patriotic War (1941-1945). For my parents, it was a terrible year in blocking Leningrad, where my two-year-old brother Victor died, where my mother miraculously survived. My father, even though he had been acquitted, volunteered to defend his city. He was fighting on the bridgehead "Nevsky Pyatachok", he was seriously injured.

Our responsibility towards the past and the future is to do everything to prevent the recurrence of terrible tragedies. That is why I consider it my duty to speak in this article about World War II. I would like to remind you once again of the obvious: the deepest causes of World War II are largely in the decisions made after World War I.

Soviet soldiers display Nazi symbols during the Victory Parade in Red Square after the end of World War II, June 1945
Yevgeny Khaldei / TASS

The Treaty of Versailles was a symbol of deep injustice for Germany. The commander-in-chief of the allied forces, French General Ferdinand Foss, prophetically described the Treaty as "not peace, it is a truce for twenty years."

It was precisely this national humiliation that had created the right environment for extremist and revanchist sentiments in Germany. The Nazis, skillfully exploiting these sentiments, built their propaganda, promising to liberate Germany from the "heavy legacy of Versailles", to restore its former power, and in essence pushing the German people into a new war. Surprisingly, this was directly or indirectly contributed by the Western states, primarily Great Britain and the United States. Their economic and industrial circles have invested heavily in German factories and factories.

One of the main results of World War I was the founding of the League of Nations. But the League of Nations, dominated by the victorious states, Great Britain and France, indicated its ineffectiveness and simply disappeared in meaningless discussions. The repeated calls of the Soviet Union for the creation of a fair system of collective security have not been heard in the League of Nations and on the European continent in general. Specifically, to sign the Eastern Treaty and the Peace Treaty, which would be a bulwark against aggressive dispositions.



The League of Nations has failed to prevent conflicts in various parts of the world. And as for the Munich Agreement, in which, in addition to Hitler and Mussolini, the leaders of Great Britain and France also took part, it led, with the full consent of the League of Nations, to the partition of Czechoslovakia. I would like to point out that, unlike many European leaders at the time, Stalin was not exposed to a personal meeting with Hitler, whom at the time was considered in Western circles a highly respected politician, welcomed in the capitals of Europe.

In the partition of Czechoslovakia, along with Germany, Poland also participated. From the beginning, they jointly decided which parts of Czechoslovakia would each take. The partition of Czechoslovakia was harsh and cynical. Munich has shown that it does not care about mutual agreements at all. The Munich Agreement became that scandal, which, if pressed, would no longer be possible to prevent a major war in Europe.

Today, European politicians, especially Poland, would like to "silence" Munich. Britain, as well as France, which was then a key ally of the Czechs and Slovaks, preferred to forget the guarantees given to prevent the devastation of this eastern European country.

They did not simply abandon it, but intended to direct Germany's disposition toward the East so that the conflict between Germany and the Soviet Union and the bloodshed of both would become inevitable. The Munich Agreement showed the Soviet Union that Western states would resolve security issues without taking into account its interests, and could create an anti-Soviet front at every opportunity.

Until the last moment, the Soviet Union was trying to seize every opportunity to create an anti-Hitler alliance, despite the two-faced attitude of the western countries. Thus, from the intelligence services, the Soviet leadership received detailed information about the backstage contacts between Germany and England in the summer of 1939.
I would like to emphasize that the contacts were intensive and almost simultaneous with the tripartite consultations of the representatives of France, Great Britain and the USSR, which were deliberately "dragged" by the Western partners.

In the current situation, the Soviet Union had signed the Non-Aggression Pact with Germany, and it was essentially the last of the European countries to do so. And all this under the real threat of war on two fronts - with Germany in the west and Japan in the east.

Stalin and his entourage deserve to be blamed for many and rightly so. But not for ignorance of the nature of external threats. They clearly saw an attempt to set up the Soviet Union against Germany and its allies and acted accordingly, realizing this real threat to gain valuable time to strengthen the country's defense.

It would be naive to believe that, ending with Czechoslovakia, Hitler would not incur subsequent territorial claims. This time against its recent ally in the partition of Czechoslovakia, Poland. The tragedy that followed weighed exclusively on the consciousness of the then Polish leadership, which prevented the signing of the agreement between England, France and the USSR and placed its hopes on the help of the Western partners, thus exposing its people to the Nazis. disaster machine. Western partners did not live up to Poland's expectations.

Later, at the Nuremberg Trials, the German generals tried to explain their rapid success in the East, and the former head of the Wehrmacht's Operations Command, A. Jondl, stated: "... If in 1939 we had not Even if it is defeated, we owe it to the fact that about 110 French and British divisions, fighting in our war with Poland in the west, against the 23 German divisions, were completely inactive. "

Immediately after the attack on Poland in the early days of September 1939, Berlin persistently and repeatedly called on Moscow to take part in military operations. The Soviet leadership ignored these appeals. Only when it became clear that Great Britain and France did not intend to help their ally and the Wehrmacht had the ability to quickly occupy all of Poland and actually find itself near Minsk on 17 September was the decision taken to lead. units of the Red Army in the eastern border areas, which are now part of the territories of Belarus, Ukraine and Lithuania. Hitler repeatedly tried to push the USSR into confrontation with Great Britain, but the Soviet leadership did not give up.

Hitler made the last attempt to persuade the Soviet Union to take joint action during Molotov's visit to Berlin in November 1940. But Molotov literally followed Stalin's instructions and limited himself to very general discussions about the German idea. with the participation of the USSR in the Treaty of Three, in the Alliance of Germany, Italy and Japan, signed in September 1940.

And already in December, setting aside all the warnings of his generals about the catastrophic danger of war on both fronts, he signed the "Barbarossa Plan". He did so after realizing that the Soviet Union was the main force opposing him in Europe and that the future confrontation in the East would be decisive for the outcome of the world war. As for the campaign in Moscow, he was sure it would be quick and successful.

World War II did not start suddenly. And Germany's attack on Poland was not unexpected. It was the result of many circumstances and factors of that period. But, undoubtedly, what had predetermined the greatest tragedy in the history of mankind was the selfishness of states, cowardice, retreat in the face of the invading, increasingly powerful, the unpreparedness of political elites to seek reconciliation. That is why it is dishonest to claim that the two-day visit to Moscow of Nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop was the main reason for the outbreak of World War II. All major countries to one degree or another have their share of responsibility for starting it.


I am writing this without the slightest intention of blaming them and acquitting them. However, many of our partners are increasing the size of the information attacks against our country. They make deeply hypocritical politicized announcements. Thus, for example, the resolution "On the importance of preserving historical memory for the future of Europe", which was approved by the European Parliament on September 19, 2019, directly accused the USSR - along with Nazi Germany - of unleashing it. World War II. It goes without saying that there is no mention of the Munich Agreement.

In addition to the threat to the fundamental principles of world order, there is another, moral side. The mockery, the distortion of memory is a disgrace.

In the collapse of Nazism - whatever they are trying to prove today - the decisive contribution was made by the Soviet Union. 75% of all anti-Hitler alliance efforts belong to the USSR. On September 27, 1944, in a letter to Stalin, Churchill wrote that "the Russian army was the one who dismantled the German war machine ...". Nearly 27 million Soviet citizens were killed on the front lines, in German captivity, starved to death, or killed in bombings, ghettos, and Nazi concentration camps. The USSR lost one in seven citizens, the United Kingdom one in 127 and the United States one in 320.

The core of the anti-Hitler alliance began to take shape immediately after the attack on the Soviet Union, when the United States and Great Britain unequivocally supported it in the fight against Hitler's Germany. At the Tehran Conference in 1943, Stalin, Roosevelt and Churchill formed the Alliance of Great Powers.

The USSR fully complied with its obligations to its allies, always extending a helping hand. Thus, with the large-scale operation "Bagration" in Belarus, the Red Army supported the landing of the British and the Americans in Normandy. In January 1945, advancing on the Oder River, our fighters put an end to the last strong attack of the Wehrmacht on the Western Front, in Ardennes. And three months after the victory in the war against Germany, the USSR, following the Yalta Treaty, declared war on Japan and defeated Quantum's huge army.

In 1945, nuclear weapons also appeared. The settlement of disputes by violent means has become extremely dangerous. The sad experience of the League of Nations was taken into account in 1945. The structure of the UN Security Council was set up so that the guarantees in favor of peace could be made as concrete and effective as possible. Thus, the institution of the permanent members of the Security Council and the right of veto as their privilege and responsibility were born.

What does the right of veto mean? It is the only logical alternative to the immediate conflict between the larger countries. The fact that the Cold War did not end in World War III triumphantly confirmed the effectiveness of the "Big Three" agreements. The principles of the UN Security Council are the only mechanism to prevent a global conflict.

Today, as in 1945, we must show political will and at the same time discuss the future. Our partners, Messrs. Xi Jinping, Macron, Trump, Johnson, have backed Russia's initiative to hold a meeting of leaders of the five nuclear states, permanent members of the SAA. First of all, it is appropriate to discuss steps for the development of collective principles in global affairs, to speak honestly on issues of peacekeeping, strengthening global and regional security, controlling strategic armaments, collective action and collective action in the fight against terrorism. of extremism.

The Summit of Russia, China, France, the United States and the United Kingdom will play an important role in finding common ground on modern threats. We can and should trust each other. This confidence will be the basis for coordinated action to strengthen security on the planet. Without exaggeration, this is our common duty and responsibility to the whole world.

. The full article is published on the official website of the presidency, kremlin.ru

* President of the Russian Federation



thanks google

[N35t0r]

tl;dr

[Egbert]

The OT needs a good Serb rant

[BeBMan]

tl;dr

Darmok and Jalad in WW2.

[giblets]

Perfidious Britain had been conspiring for Germany to attack the Soviet Union all along, that's why they declared war on Germany when Germany invaded Poland and refused to accept Hitler's offers of a separate peace after France fell.

[BeBMan]

And three months after the victory in the war against Germany, the USSR, following the Yalta Treaty, declared war on Japan and defeated Quantum's huge army.

[Bereta_Eder]

the truth is hard

[BeBMan]

The commander-in-chief of the allied forces, French General Ferdinand Foss

[Ted Striker]

Dp

[Ted Striker]

Would hit it

[seIf biased]

vladimir putin is a nitwit
terrorist
and overall pathetic human specimen