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  • #31
    Originally posted by Dracon II
    First of all Che, thanks for the book recommendations.


    I've got more.

    I have a nasty habit of keeping a terribly eclectic taste in intellectual inputs.


    I don't see anything wrong with that, as long as you can analyze your inputs critically. The afore mentioned Western Marxists are valuable, for instnace, not so much because of the answers they bring, as the questions they raise. Secondly, to attain a truley dialectical understanding of a thing, one needs to look at it from all sides. Thus, Robert Dahl's conception of the state is as important as Lenin or Marx's for trying to get a grip on how it really functions, and what it really is. Dialectics is holositic.

    which means I often attain superficial knowledge of a many things, but lack the depth of understanding to truly understand the intricacies of those things I talk about.


    You are young yet, and there's so much to learn. If you keep at it, you learn it. Everything facisinates me, and so I learn about everything. While I think it's good to concnetrate on a few areas to specialize, I also think a well rouded comrade studies as much as he or she can about the world. My first organization, an offshoot of the French Trotskyist group, Lutte Ouvriere, required its memebers to read a book a week, and not simply about Marxism. I had to read books on Chaos theory, anthroplogy, natural sciences, the arts, etc. I still think this is a good idea.



    Are you laughing with me, or at me? 'Cause if you're laughing at me


    With you, comrade, with you.

    I think your problem isn't so much with Marxism as with what you think Marxism is.


    I don't believe that there are any separate and discrete units in society, there is always interpenetration and determination... and the power of the ruling class does put them in a position to organise to create ruling institutions... historically speaking that's a no-brainer I guess.


    Excellent!

    My mistake was straying into formalism.


    Yup. Of course, to begin to understand how a thing works, you need to break it down and lok at its parts, just as you would dissect an animal to study it, you can't fully understand it without understand how they all work together as part of a unified whole, as well as seeing the animal in motion and in it's niche.

    Although I would not say that dialectics is a black and white process;


    Of course not. That would be undialectical.

    political institutions are not merely determined by class, they also determine politics themselves. There is a process of interdetermination.


    Absolutely! This is classic historical materialism.


    This may be, as you say due to a if a "conjunction of forces leave the competing classes too weak to assert themselves"... but I'll leave it for further discussion (I'm sure you have a good explanation and I'd like to hear it. I'm learning quite a lot today).


    No, you got it.

    Nationalism was invented by the bourgeoisie, so giving expression to a national culture is exactly what a capitalist state would do.


    Please explain. Do you mean that by the development of the bourgeoisie within the nation-state, formerly parochial markets were combined and integrated into national markets, thus raising the people's consciousness (interdependency) to the national level?


    That's part of it. National traditions, national language, etc. were part and parcel of the rise of the bourgeoisie as a ruling class. Aristocrats are, by theior nature, rather parocial. Their economic interests are mainly in their land and the immediately surrounding area, regardless of how much interest in the world and how well educated they may be personally.

    The bourgeoisie was from the begining, a class interested in what was going on "over there." A capitalist manufacture products not to be sold in his local market, but markets all over the country, as well as all over the world. They saw themselves as a nation, and it's no accident that nationalism appears as an ideology at the same time as the bourgeoisie begin their assent.

    Economically, the bourgeoisie had an interest in making sure that everyone in their territory not merely spoke the same language, but spoke it the same way. A capitalist selling his products wanted to be understood in Normandy as well as Provance, and while regional dialects still exist, there has been a great flattening of language.

    As well, the bourgeoisie benefits from all classes seeing themselves as a nation, and united in purpose and loyalty. This isn't merely to pull the woll over the lower classes eyes in order to get them to stay docile and dutifully march off to defend the motherland, although those aspects do exist. The bourgeoisie also sees itself as a universal class, that what is good for it is good for everyone, that since they are a nation, so are the lower classes with them. Before they came to power, they even saw that the lower classes had similar interests in everyone being part of one nation, instead of being seperate parts of the nobles society. Bourgeois revolutions were in part proletarian revolutions.

    There are two authors you should look at to get a better understanding of nationalism, as this is pretty much the limit of my knowledge: Benedict Anderson and Ernst Gellner.

    What are your thoughts on the Frankfurt School... or Frederic Jameson, Terry Eagleton and David Harvey?


    I haven't read enough of the latter to make an opinion. The Frankfort School of thought is something of a misnomer, as Marcuse was quite different from Adorno and Horkheimer. I think both sets of authors raise interesting questions and have valuable insights on to how capitalism both affects the human psyche and how it maintains power. I'm less sypathetic to the latter two, though, because of their anti-science, anti-enlightenment views.

    Marcuse, I think, should be best read along side Sartre, Camus, and other existentialists, since he's really dealing with the alienation of modern man from consumer capitalism in the age of imminent nuclear annihilation. In addition, though, I'd say to also read Marx's 1844 manuscripts, which also deals with the problems of alienation from capitalist society.

    Adorno and Horkheimer's thought was largely a reaction to the Nazi Holocaust and the Second World War. The see in both the Nazis and the atomic bomb, the ultimate expressions of rationalism, rationalization, science, and inudstrial society, and they revolt against all of it. As the end result of the Englightenment, Nazisism and nuclear death taint the whole thing, and it needs to be tossed. Science is a tool of capitalist domination (and what else would it be in a capitalist society, comrades?), and so it's results are automatically suspect.

    A&H do us a service by reminding us that science doesn't exist in a vacuumm, but that it is part of class society, and that it is bent towards maintaining and strengthening that society. That one should keep that in mind while learning science is important, but to throw out the baby with the bathwater is very typical of petty-bougeois leftists.

    I'm not as familiar with aristotle as I'd like to be... so I'll take your word for it that I was being aristotelian.


    Aristotle was the father of formal logic, so it was just another way of saying formalistic, as that word had escaped me when I was writing.

    It was a whip in the hands of the Western Marxists (under whose wing you seem to be harboring) for their retreat from class struggle, dialectics, and materialism. We see the results of their thinking today in post modernism.


    I'm certainly not under the wing of postmodernism.


    PM is the outgrowth of WM. You can see the future trajectory in Adorno and Horkheimer. Ironically enough, George Novak, an American Trotskyist and philospher, predicted PM, but as a snide joke, when he commented that because language itself is a prduct of class society, we would end up logically not being able to trust the very words we use to try and describe the world, and would have to deny an external reality. And along came Derrrida and Foucault (though they really weren't so bad as those who followed them).

    There's a really good couple of critical overviews of Western Marxism put out by Verso Press: Considerations on Western Marxism, by Perry Anderson & Western Marxism: A critical reader.[/i]

    A couple more points on WM. There are two basic trends in WM, one is all dialectics, no materialism (which led to PM). This school is represented by Adorno, Horkheimer, etc. The opposite school is led by Althusser, which rejects the anti-materialism of the Frankfurt school, but goes too far the other way, and ends up rejecting dialectics.

    There also a number of comrades who are unfairly lumped in with WM: Karl Korsch, Georg Lukasć and Antonio Gramsci. What seperates these comrades from the rest is first and formost, they were members of an acutal movement, rather than being college professors studying from afar. The former two were trying to deal with the failure of the 2nd International, the failure of the revolution to spread, and creeping Stalinism, while Gramsci was trying to understand why captialism was able to maintain itself, even after the First World War, and why people would chose Fascism. In other words, their writing and ideas sprang from actual struggles with the movement and were trying to undrestand how to make the revolution.

    The rest of WM, on the other hand, seems fatalistically resigned to the continued existence of capitalism, and sees in Marxism merely a tool of criticism. They withdrew from class conflict, though Marcuse became something of a hero and inspiration to the New Left in the US during the 60s,
    Christianity: The belief that a cosmic Jewish Zombie who was his own father can make you live forever if you symbolically eat his flesh and telepathically tell him you accept him as your master, so he can remove an evil force from your soul that is present in humanity because a rib-woman was convinced by a talking snake to eat from a magical tree...

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    • #32
      Originally posted by DanS
      I think the universities should be cleared of the red lecturers pushing their agenda in the classroom.
      So much for freedom.
      I drank beer. I like beer. I still like beer. ... Do you like beer Senator?
      - Justice Brett Kavanaugh

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      • #33
        Even Adam Smith said that the purpose of the state was to protect those who own property from those who do not. The state isn't some thing seperated from society.
        I drank beer. I like beer. I still like beer. ... Do you like beer Senator?
        - Justice Brett Kavanaugh

        Comment


        • #34
          Economically, the bourgeoisie had an interest in making sure that everyone in their territory not merely spoke the same language, but spoke it the same way. A capitalist selling his products wanted to be understood in Normandy as well as Provance, and while regional dialects still exist, there has been a great flattening of language.
          By the Villers-Cotteret edict in august 1539, King François Premier decided that all justice decisions should be written in the French language in the whole kingdom.
          The necessary dictionnary was ordered by King Louis XIII to the Académie Française (founded by Richelieu) in 1635.

          The simplest definition of the state was given by King Louis XIV : l'Etat, c'est moi.
          Statistical anomaly.
          The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.

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          • #35
            bump
            Christianity: The belief that a cosmic Jewish Zombie who was his own father can make you live forever if you symbolically eat his flesh and telepathically tell him you accept him as your master, so he can remove an evil force from your soul that is present in humanity because a rib-woman was convinced by a talking snake to eat from a magical tree...

            Comment


            • #36
              I've got more.


              I'm sure of it. Are you familiar with James O'Connor? I picked up a book of his (Accumulation Crisis) recently and was hoping for an opinion on it.

              Thus, Robert Dahl's conception of the state is as important as Lenin or Marx's for trying to get a grip on how it really functions, and what it really is. Dialectics is holositic.


              Robert Dahl is a pluralist, right? Pluralism is certainly applicable, but not in a way that ignores other, and perhaps more important characteristics of the state.
              I agree with you that the complexity of social phenomena warrant a number of different theoretical approaches.

              My first organization, an offshoot of the French Trotskyist group, Lutte Ouvriere, required its memebers to read a book a week, and not simply about Marxism.


              I think I need to join a group like that. Perhaps there's warrant to set one up online?

              That's part of it. National traditions, national language, etc. were part and parcel of the rise of the bourgeoisie as a ruling class. Aristocrats are, by theior nature, rather parocial. Their economic interests are mainly in their land and the immediately surrounding area, regardless of how much interest in the world and how well educated they may be personally.

              The bourgeoisie was from the begining, a class interested in what was going on "over there." A capitalist manufacture products not to be sold in his local market, but markets all over the country, as well as all over the world. They saw themselves as a nation, and it's no accident that nationalism appears as an ideology at the same time as the bourgeoisie begin their assent.


              Agreed. But would you agree that the bourgeoisie is now international? It seems to me that in many ways they are interested in either eroding national culture for the purposes of selling a generic product globally, or promoting national culture by target selling customised goods, or by marketing the good in a way that connects it with the national culture. Either way, the bourgeoisie (the upper crust of the bourgeoisie that is), has become cosmopolitan (as Marx predicted).... and its influence is causing national cultures to either converge, or, if they remain distinct, to be exchangeable.

              PM is the outgrowth of WM. You can see the future trajectory in Adorno and Horkheimer.


              I had to read some of The Culture Industry and Marcuse's [/i]One Dimensional Man[/i] for a sociology subject I did on the topic of identity. They certainly observed trends that would ultimately become more ubiquitous and complex later on when postmodernism came around. Whilst I do understand the connection, I think they differ fundamentally from PM.
              I'd be interested to know how PM grew out of Marxism. I know that some postmodernists were once Marxists... but AFAIK they rejected Marx.
              I can see more similarities to Nietzsche than Marx in Postmodernism. I've always seen PM as a form of "left-Nietszcheanism", so to speak... but it is a broad church... and I know that Baudrillard at least talks (or at least talked) a lot about Marx, and I believe he accepted Marxist theory even as he rebuked it. Certainly I've been able to incorporate much of his theory into more of a Marxist worldview.

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              • #37
                Originally posted by Dracon II
                I think I need to join a group like that.
                Unless you have a strong sense of self, I wouldn't recommend it. It's like commie boot camp, and if you aren't careful, well, it can be very cultish in many ways.

                Perhaps there's warrant to set one up online?


                We could do it on a Communist Party of Apolyton website. I wonder how much effort it would be to create a forum site.
                Christianity: The belief that a cosmic Jewish Zombie who was his own father can make you live forever if you symbolically eat his flesh and telepathically tell him you accept him as your master, so he can remove an evil force from your soul that is present in humanity because a rib-woman was convinced by a talking snake to eat from a magical tree...

                Comment


                • #38

                  We could do it on a Communist Party of Apolyton website. I wonder how much effort it would be to create a forum site.


                  That sounds like an idea. I can get cheap webspace and a domain. I've got good forum software to. PHPBB.... like at eventis. I've had experience with UBB too (the Mod Asylum)... which is what apolyton used to use.

                  Comment


                  • #39
                    I have space and a place (for free), but if you want to do it, feel free.

                    Let me find out if I can give you access to a specific spot, so you don't start hosting porn on my webspace.
                    Christianity: The belief that a cosmic Jewish Zombie who was his own father can make you live forever if you symbolically eat his flesh and telepathically tell him you accept him as your master, so he can remove an evil force from your soul that is present in humanity because a rib-woman was convinced by a talking snake to eat from a magical tree...

                    Comment


                    • #40
                      Well I've been wanting to make a new website for a while... but I haven't had any inspiring ideas. But this sounds promising.

                      Comment


                      • #41
                        I'm thinking a forum, with news and links to important texts. We could even do a book of the week/month kind of thing, and host the text (as it's easily avaialble in electronic format.) Might wanna lock access to that part of the website just in case we want to put up anything that would prevent authorities from noticing DMCA violations.
                        Christianity: The belief that a cosmic Jewish Zombie who was his own father can make you live forever if you symbolically eat his flesh and telepathically tell him you accept him as your master, so he can remove an evil force from your soul that is present in humanity because a rib-woman was convinced by a talking snake to eat from a magical tree...

                        Comment


                        • #42
                          I'm sure a great deal of Marxist literature is public domain (if it isn't then the owners of Marxists.org are looking at the death sentence )... so that should be fine.

                          We might also like to produce our own periodical... released quarterly 'cause I know time is always scarce.

                          And maybe a blog page or something like. It can start simple I guess... and we can see if there's time or need to expand it.

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                          • #43
                            Dracon - i think some of the ideas you are thinking about were formulated in Djilas (Spelling?) The New Class. He attempted to come up with a theory of the state that would also encompass nominally "socialist" states run by Leninist parties. His work has been influential. Google on it and you may find folks who refer to and refine his work.


                            I read Perry Anderson (lineages of the absolutist state)in a class with Daniel Bell. IIRC Bell thought Anderson contradicted by the absence of such developments in Italy and the Netherlands, the most urbanized parts of preindustrial europe. (no cite, personal communication). He encouraged me to base my term paper on Max Webers "The city" instead. IIUC theres a considerable literature on the autonomy of the early modern state.


                            Some references:


                            Milovan Djilas, New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System, Harcourt Trade Publishers, 1982, paperback, 224 pages, ISBN 015665489X (First published 1957)
                            Milovan Djilas. Unperfect society; beyond the new class, 1969.
                            The Revolution Betrayed (http://www.marxists.org/archive/trot...-rev/index.htm), Leon Trotsky's famous work regarding the alleged betrayal and corruption of the Russian Revolution by Stalin and the new bureaucratic ruling caste
                            Ed. Marian Sawer. Socialism and the new class : towards the analysis of structural inequality within socialist societies, Bedford Pk, Australia: Flinders University, 1978.
                            Friedrich Hayek, The Road to Serfdom (paperback), London: Ark Paperbacks, 1986. The book was first published in 1944.
                            Robert Kaplan, Balkan Ghosts: A Journey through history, Vintage reprint, 1994. An excerpt from his discussions with Djilas can be found here (http://www.ralphmag.org/djilasZA.html).
                            [edit]
                            Technocratic new classes
                            George Orwell, 1984 (paperback), Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Ltd., 1983. The book was first published in 1949.
                            Alvin Ward Gouldner The future of intellectuals and the rise of the new class : a frame of reference, theses, conjectures, arguments, and an historical perspective on the role of intellectuals and intelligentsia in the international class contest of the modern era, London: Macmillan, 1979.
                            Eds. Hansfried Kellner, Frank W. Heuberger, Hidden technocrats : the new class and new capitalism,New Brunswick, USA: Transaction Publishers, 1992.
                            Christopher Lasch The Revolt of the Elites And the Betrayal of Democracy, W. W. Norton & Company, 1995.
                            Grace Budrys When doctors join unions Ithaca: ILR Press/Cornell University Press, 1997.
                            Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/New_class"

                            also: a book : The New Class?

                            heres a clip from a review.

                            The twelve contributors to the book are sufficiently unified to indicate there can be small explosions of “critical mass” size, but none of them seems willing to consider that we are in danger of a New Class takeover. Sociologist Daniel Bell thinks the New Class is a “muddled concept.” Historian Andrew Hacker says of the new symbol-manipulators that they have larger vocabularies and greater verbal facility than their fathers, but “when all is said and done they remain workers beholden to the organizations employing them.” As “upper-level employees” they “do not constitute a class by themselves.” They are “bit players who do not even choose their own lines.”

                            Nathan Glazer, considering the legal profession, makes a good case for the class consciousness of the public service lawyer. And twenty thousand lawyers work for the federal government. But when you consider that there are two sides to every legal case, you are compelled to admit that lawyers live by fighting each other, which means there can’t be much lawyer class solidarity, either “new” or old.

                            For a moment in the Nineteen Sixties, when the campuses were erupting, Seymour Martin Lipset thought there might be some Marxist class consciousness developing among the professoriate. But he notes that, despite their distaste for the existing order, “the leaders of the American intelligentsia do not know what they want for a new society.” Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, thinks the New Class of symbol-pushers has “second-level stratum” importance in government. But they have not often achieved “apex” positions, and she is glad of it. “As surely as a monopoly of power or wealth is dangerous to the rest of us,” she says, “a new-class monopoly on meaning and purpose is incompatible with the common weal.”

                            Michael Harrington, a self-proclaimed democratic socialist, thinks Irving Kristol’s hope for a “neo-conservative” response from the New Class in favor of a free market is deluded. He worries lest the New Class should succumb to Fascism. Kevin Phillips likes the New Class tendency toward a “neo-populist insurgency,” but he fears it will provoke a reaction of “nationalistic, majoritarian, work-and-productivity-minded” people toward a “strongman.”

                            The “modernism” of the New Class, deriving from secular up-bringings that have de- emphasized religious values, bothers Peter Berger, who considers that disillusion with “repressive secularism” could lead to “fanatical retrenchments.” Everett Carll Ladd, Jr., acting director of the Roper Public Opinion Research Center, is Olympian, as befits a pollster. He doesn’t claim any proof of a class conflict between the intelligentsia and the “embourgeoised working class,” but he sees some differences emerging “at the level of activism.” This, he says, is to be expected.

                            Adversary Cultures

                            The best papers in Bruce-Briggs’ book are by authors who have limited their aims. Aaron Wildavsky, former dean of the Graduate School of Public Policy at Berkeley, ex plores the interest the New Class has in preserving a no-or-little-growth status quo for their own elite cadres. Norman Podhoretz, the editor of Commentary, describes the de veloping battle between the “adversary culture” and the neo-conservatives who have revolted against the New Politics liberalism of the McGovern years. Since both the “adversaries” and the neo-conservatives are, roughly speaking, “new class” in their symbol-manipulating capacities, what Mr. Podhoretz has to say points to a serious schism in New Class ranks. It would be relevant to conclude from this that the fight for America’s soul transcends class limits.

                            Finally, Robert Bartley, editor of The Wall Street Journal, investigates the sources of the anti-business clamor of recent years. Bartley is specificity itself as he explores the ramifications of the so-called public interest groups that owe their existence to “Mr. Public Citizen—Ralph Nader, Inc.” Nader has been “the prime mover behind some thirty-five books and reports,” and is credited with the passage of much anti- business legislation.

                            “Predictably,” says Mr. Bartley, “Nader has inspired a host of imitators, founding not only his conglomerate but an entire industry.” So we have the New Class isolated and personified in one towering figure. Mr. Bartley does not challenge Nader’s sincerity, but he thinks that “Ralph Nader and Friends are sometimes wrong” and that the “public interest” might often be better served by “more careful attention to a balance between benefits and costs.” Amen. []


                            and yet more, this time on the autonomy of the State

                            " State-Centered theorists consider the state as an institution, and its activities the primary and starting point of inquiry. To them, the proper explanatory direction is from the state and its bureaucratic organization to civil society, and not vice-versa. To state-centered theorists the state is at the same time embedded in the structural relations of capitalistic social formation, and an independent organization which has a monopoly on coercive power, and a life and form of its own.

                            2.1 Max Weber. States, Weber argued, “are compulsory associations claiming control over territories and the people over them” [Skocpol 1985:7]. In conceiving the state as such, Weber (and the neo-Weberians) can postulate that the state may pursue goals and plans that do not reflect the demands of powerful groups or classes. Unlike Marx, Engels and Lenin, Weber did not consider forms of state organization as ’parasitic’ and the “direct product of the activities of classes”. The “modern state is not, Weber contended, an effect of capitalism; it preceded and helped promote capitalist development” [Held 1989:41].

                            2.2 Fred Block. The neo-Weberians, most of whom are identified incorrectly as neo-Marxists[3],

                            argue on one hand that states inherently are organizationally autonomous from dominant classes,

                            and the other that they necessarily function to guarantee capital accumulation and maintain class

                            domination.

                            Like Weber, Block [1977a, 1980, 1987] argues that the state is not reducible to class interests and power. “State power is sui generis, not reducible to class power” and “each social formation determines that particular way in which state power will be exercised within that society” [1980:229]. Block introduces the theoretical construct he names ‘state managers’ who, he contends, are individuals not involved in the relations of production and are, therefore, independent from the capitalist class, even if they were proper members of that class before they became state managers. ‘State managers’ are Block’s theoretical solution to the problem of ‘relative state autonomy’, which he finds to be “a slightly more sophisticated version of the instrumental view it attacks” [1977:7], because it still reduces, albeit structurally, state power to class power. Since the state managers are independent of and not controlled by the capitalist class, and are responsible for maintaining ‘business confidence’, the reduction of state power to class power implied in the qualification ‘relative’ is inappropriate and unnecessary. Block’s state is an autonomous state for itself.

                            2.3 Theda Skocpol. Skocpol’s theoretical work on the state and on state autonomy is a strong defense of the ‘structural’ organization of the state. Like Weber and Block, she also argues that the state can not be reduced to class relations and class struggle; that the state is an independent

                            organization just like any other private organization with its own internal structure and its own interests. Skocpol criticizes classical Marxist theories (and neo-Marxist structuralists) for assuming that “states are inherently shaped by classes or class struggles and to preserve and expand modes of production” [1985:4], and for making it “virtually impossible even to raise the possibility that fundamental conflicts of interest might arise between the existing dominant class or set of groups on one hand, and the state rulers on the other” [1979:27]. She has observed that “Poulantzas’ approach is ultimately very frustrating because he simply posits the ‘relative autonomy of the capitalist state’ as a necessary feature of the capitalist mode of production as such” [1985:33]. The state, she points out, is not seen “as an organization for itself” [1979:27].

                            More recently she has argued that “states...may formulate and pursue goals that are not simply reflective of the demands of the interests of social groups, classes or societies”. She castigates “virtually all neo-Marxist writers of the state” for having retained “deeply embedded society-centered assumptions” [1985:5-9], and thus ignoring that “important social change is a consequence of autonomous state activity” [Levine 1987:97]."
                            Last edited by lord of the mark; June 20, 2005, 15:00.
                            "A person cannot approach the divine by reaching beyond the human. To become human, is what this individual person, has been created for.” Martin Buber

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                            • #44
                              Originally posted by lord of the mark
                              I read Perry Anderson (lineages of the absolutist state)in a class with Daniel Bell.
                              You studied under Daniel Bell? Was that in his Trotskyist or neo-conservative phase?
                              Christianity: The belief that a cosmic Jewish Zombie who was his own father can make you live forever if you symbolically eat his flesh and telepathically tell him you accept him as your master, so he can remove an evil force from your soul that is present in humanity because a rib-woman was convinced by a talking snake to eat from a magical tree...

                              Comment


                              • #45
                                I was reading an excerpt from his book The Coming of the Post-Industrial Society. Fairly interesting stuff... he certainly got it right when he said that information technology would become increasingly important within developed economies. I'm not sure if post-industrial society necessarily makes Marx obselete... but I'd say Marxism would need an upgrade, so to speak. Have you guys read anything by Manuel Castells?

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