F_Smith: I am eager to reply to you, but this is adressed solely to Rodrigo, so you will have to wait for the next post.
Rodrigo:
You're the one who started it, you should know I would respond. You were just lucky I was out of town.
From your original post:
I'm interested in the WC behavior and you know very well than I'm not afraid of details; I'm all ears.
Concerning the "dictatorship of the proletariat": From a strictly economic point of view, it works as you say it does; with their kapital taken away, the UC and MC are forced to work, in order to survive and so, economically, there is nothing but LC. People's mentalities on the other hand do not change from one day to another and these people remain politically UC and MC. So if power is distributed to them too, democratically, they will try to use it, in order to revert to the old regime. They are counter-revolutionary agents and as such, they have to be suppressed. That is why Marx said that all the power was to be given explicitly to the proletariat and not to the people in general. So the UC and MC are actually reduced to the state of minorities (although technically they belong to the majorities population). This happens at the transitional stage of communism, where the old class structure is abolished externally but not internally, in the people's mentalities. After one or more generations, the mentality will be uniform and communism will enter it's final stage, where society will be truly classless and power will be distributed evenly to the whole population.
It is a general fact that the socioeconomic classes, during transitional politicoeconomic stages, can have one demographic percentage in economic matters and another in political outlook. This is what leads to counter-revolutions (like the Restauration of 1814 in France) and causes contrasts like "new money" vs "old money" and, in the grand scale, landed aristocracy vs bourgeoisie (although in that case the Sites vs Kapital factor intervenes). This separation seldom lasts more than a couple of generations (say 50 years), but while it exists, it is one of the largest driving forces in the political scene. Depending on the scale of the game, this might not matter very much (f.e. when a game turn lasts 50 years), but usually (and specially when radical changes, like revolutions, occur), it is important enough to question the consistency of the political system. In the govtecon field (in other words my spreadsheet), there is and there should be no inertia; during a revolution the UC will instantly dissapear. While in the political field (the govt model), it is inadmissible that large masses of population should change preferences instantly. If the UC didn't manage to supress the revolution this turn, it should at least be given a chance to revolt against it next turn.
If we indeed recognise a problem here, the solution shouldn't be very hard to accomplish. According to the length of the turn, a transitional stage of n turns should be declared and the class demographics used by the govt model should be the old ones (before the political change), converging (linearily?) to the new ones. For demographic changes during normal times, maybe the govt model should be one turn behind the econ model. Intra-class mobility is recorded anyway. I think that you have dealt with transitional stages in the govt model before, haven't you Rodrigo?
Nobility: You are right in your claim that nobility isn't tied to land ownership. Nobility is instituted where and when too much power stays in the same few hands for too long. Nobility is nevertheless linked with a certain social or economic contribution, whatever that is, the possesion or procuration of which is a hereditary right (land, capital, security and ethics have been under such hereditary rights in human history). When I was writing my original post, I considered of including "Nobility" or "Oligarchic power" between "Autocratic power" and "Democratic power", where it would naturally fit (inside the political layer of the power structure), but I thought I was stretching it too far. Now that I know it is concerning you too, I am mentioning it.
Possible implementation: Nobility could be attributed to the socioeconomic class with the higher concentration of power per capita and once instituted, it cannot change hands, unless it is reinstituted by some social reform. I feel that purely institutional classes should not have nobility because they consist of higher as well as lower members (Their power is attributed to the institutions rather than the members anyway), but at least for scenarios, nobility should be attributed to whomever the author wants. Nobility is linked with social elitism and as such, it should oppose or totally restrict intra-class mobility.
Classes per sector: I don't think we need them either, but, judging from the amount of options that will finally be available in Clash, they will probably be optional. As for Landowner power, I based this not on the (doubtful) nobility of the landowners, but at the inherent power held by the land (Sites), as a production factor, in correlation with the power attributed to Kapital and Labor. The econ model is using in general a production function of the style Y=A*R^a*K^b*L^c, where A is the tech factor, R is generic resources (#of sites in the primary sector, #of resources units in the secondary and 1 in the tertiary) and a+b+c=1. Although it is applicable only in the primary sector, Sites is a factor of production, so why shouldn't it be the vessel of political power (of the economic layer). Of course such an approach is complicating things very much, specially in what concerns the product distribution (which should have to be 3-fold) and it certainly invites us to do classes by sector. It would also appeal for a dynamic class system, so that we won't have capitalists in 4000BC. Each option here has it's pros and cons; I don't know what to support. What do you say?
- Classes per sector (9 classes)+Landowner power?
- Landowner power+Dynamic class system (3-4 classes)?
- The current system (unique UC (3 classes) + land and kapital bagged together)?
N Middle Classes: Their power would be proportionate to their demographics and to the share of total Kapital they hold (and to the Labor they produce, I would say), but how do we define them? Even the single Middle Class, which has a somewhat good definition, causes us big problems. I wouldn't want to define them by their income. They could be defined according to education level, which acts as a multiplier for labor (skilled labor, like in Imperialism), but I have my reservations about that.
Btw, your reference to "middle-class warriors" has reminded me a case where we find both that and 4 discrete (rated according to income) socioeconomic classes: the Athenian Democracy of the 5th century BC, where we had:
Pendakosiomedimnoi, >500, charged with the maintenance of a trireme each. Fought as ship captains.
Hippes, 300-500, charged with the maintenance of a warhorse. Fought as horsemen.
Zeugitai, 150-300, charged with the maintenance of a pair of oxes. Fought as hoplites.
Thitai, <150, with no economic responsibilities. Fought as sailors and light warriors.
(Income is counted in medimnoi of wheat per annum: 1 medimnos=52 litres)
So there was no MC (even the generals got picked by chance) and the military contribution was distributed among the socioeconomic classes. Since it was firmly tied together with tax collection (everyone had to pay for his weapons), the class distinctions were extended upon military organisation. Neat, isn't it?
Mixed and complex classes: You are insinuating that in real life the mixture rules do not apply; the scholar-monks will not have the average behavior of scientists and priests, but something quite different, so we should have to invent a new behavior for them. I aknowledge this problem of course, but that's (their behavior) not what we want them for. From a historic point of view I find them less boring than the N Middle classes. I foresee them to be the absolute must for scenario creators, who will demand historical accuracy rather than realistic behavior from their classes. I expect that scenario creators will have the capability to set class behaviors at pretty much what they expect it to be, overriding the system. Most of them I guess will leave quite a few liberties to the political system, or totally freeze it, like in some civ2 scenarios where you can't change the govt type. As for the normal games, I think that the standard should be to have only simple classes, which will be able to have the realistic behavior they are having now. What is great in attributing the pol.power to contributions instead of classes is that it gives us unlimited flexibility in the typical-historical context, while having exactly the same effect in the political arena. If we could invent a trustworthy and realistic dynamic class system, it would be even nicer in appearance, but I wouldn't expect it to make class warfare more interesting.
Before we move to details on behaviors, we should decide what alterations should be made with the socioeconomic classes.
Rodrigo:
quote: Several "hard" comments to the govt model... I must say that I LOVE that type of comments! It's then when real discussions start! |
From your original post:
quote: Finally, this change in how ideologies are defined implies a change in how Warrior Class' mentality is computed. It was formerly computed as partly influenced by the Upper Class and partly by the Lower Class. It will be now computed using People's pol.power, Capitalists pol.power, demographic shares and kapital shares in a way I won't detail now. |
Concerning the "dictatorship of the proletariat": From a strictly economic point of view, it works as you say it does; with their kapital taken away, the UC and MC are forced to work, in order to survive and so, economically, there is nothing but LC. People's mentalities on the other hand do not change from one day to another and these people remain politically UC and MC. So if power is distributed to them too, democratically, they will try to use it, in order to revert to the old regime. They are counter-revolutionary agents and as such, they have to be suppressed. That is why Marx said that all the power was to be given explicitly to the proletariat and not to the people in general. So the UC and MC are actually reduced to the state of minorities (although technically they belong to the majorities population). This happens at the transitional stage of communism, where the old class structure is abolished externally but not internally, in the people's mentalities. After one or more generations, the mentality will be uniform and communism will enter it's final stage, where society will be truly classless and power will be distributed evenly to the whole population.
It is a general fact that the socioeconomic classes, during transitional politicoeconomic stages, can have one demographic percentage in economic matters and another in political outlook. This is what leads to counter-revolutions (like the Restauration of 1814 in France) and causes contrasts like "new money" vs "old money" and, in the grand scale, landed aristocracy vs bourgeoisie (although in that case the Sites vs Kapital factor intervenes). This separation seldom lasts more than a couple of generations (say 50 years), but while it exists, it is one of the largest driving forces in the political scene. Depending on the scale of the game, this might not matter very much (f.e. when a game turn lasts 50 years), but usually (and specially when radical changes, like revolutions, occur), it is important enough to question the consistency of the political system. In the govtecon field (in other words my spreadsheet), there is and there should be no inertia; during a revolution the UC will instantly dissapear. While in the political field (the govt model), it is inadmissible that large masses of population should change preferences instantly. If the UC didn't manage to supress the revolution this turn, it should at least be given a chance to revolt against it next turn.
If we indeed recognise a problem here, the solution shouldn't be very hard to accomplish. According to the length of the turn, a transitional stage of n turns should be declared and the class demographics used by the govt model should be the old ones (before the political change), converging (linearily?) to the new ones. For demographic changes during normal times, maybe the govt model should be one turn behind the econ model. Intra-class mobility is recorded anyway. I think that you have dealt with transitional stages in the govt model before, haven't you Rodrigo?
Nobility: You are right in your claim that nobility isn't tied to land ownership. Nobility is instituted where and when too much power stays in the same few hands for too long. Nobility is nevertheless linked with a certain social or economic contribution, whatever that is, the possesion or procuration of which is a hereditary right (land, capital, security and ethics have been under such hereditary rights in human history). When I was writing my original post, I considered of including "Nobility" or "Oligarchic power" between "Autocratic power" and "Democratic power", where it would naturally fit (inside the political layer of the power structure), but I thought I was stretching it too far. Now that I know it is concerning you too, I am mentioning it.
Possible implementation: Nobility could be attributed to the socioeconomic class with the higher concentration of power per capita and once instituted, it cannot change hands, unless it is reinstituted by some social reform. I feel that purely institutional classes should not have nobility because they consist of higher as well as lower members (Their power is attributed to the institutions rather than the members anyway), but at least for scenarios, nobility should be attributed to whomever the author wants. Nobility is linked with social elitism and as such, it should oppose or totally restrict intra-class mobility.
Classes per sector: I don't think we need them either, but, judging from the amount of options that will finally be available in Clash, they will probably be optional. As for Landowner power, I based this not on the (doubtful) nobility of the landowners, but at the inherent power held by the land (Sites), as a production factor, in correlation with the power attributed to Kapital and Labor. The econ model is using in general a production function of the style Y=A*R^a*K^b*L^c, where A is the tech factor, R is generic resources (#of sites in the primary sector, #of resources units in the secondary and 1 in the tertiary) and a+b+c=1. Although it is applicable only in the primary sector, Sites is a factor of production, so why shouldn't it be the vessel of political power (of the economic layer). Of course such an approach is complicating things very much, specially in what concerns the product distribution (which should have to be 3-fold) and it certainly invites us to do classes by sector. It would also appeal for a dynamic class system, so that we won't have capitalists in 4000BC. Each option here has it's pros and cons; I don't know what to support. What do you say?
- Classes per sector (9 classes)+Landowner power?
- Landowner power+Dynamic class system (3-4 classes)?
- The current system (unique UC (3 classes) + land and kapital bagged together)?
N Middle Classes: Their power would be proportionate to their demographics and to the share of total Kapital they hold (and to the Labor they produce, I would say), but how do we define them? Even the single Middle Class, which has a somewhat good definition, causes us big problems. I wouldn't want to define them by their income. They could be defined according to education level, which acts as a multiplier for labor (skilled labor, like in Imperialism), but I have my reservations about that.
Btw, your reference to "middle-class warriors" has reminded me a case where we find both that and 4 discrete (rated according to income) socioeconomic classes: the Athenian Democracy of the 5th century BC, where we had:
Pendakosiomedimnoi, >500, charged with the maintenance of a trireme each. Fought as ship captains.
Hippes, 300-500, charged with the maintenance of a warhorse. Fought as horsemen.
Zeugitai, 150-300, charged with the maintenance of a pair of oxes. Fought as hoplites.
Thitai, <150, with no economic responsibilities. Fought as sailors and light warriors.
(Income is counted in medimnoi of wheat per annum: 1 medimnos=52 litres)
So there was no MC (even the generals got picked by chance) and the military contribution was distributed among the socioeconomic classes. Since it was firmly tied together with tax collection (everyone had to pay for his weapons), the class distinctions were extended upon military organisation. Neat, isn't it?
Mixed and complex classes: You are insinuating that in real life the mixture rules do not apply; the scholar-monks will not have the average behavior of scientists and priests, but something quite different, so we should have to invent a new behavior for them. I aknowledge this problem of course, but that's (their behavior) not what we want them for. From a historic point of view I find them less boring than the N Middle classes. I foresee them to be the absolute must for scenario creators, who will demand historical accuracy rather than realistic behavior from their classes. I expect that scenario creators will have the capability to set class behaviors at pretty much what they expect it to be, overriding the system. Most of them I guess will leave quite a few liberties to the political system, or totally freeze it, like in some civ2 scenarios where you can't change the govt type. As for the normal games, I think that the standard should be to have only simple classes, which will be able to have the realistic behavior they are having now. What is great in attributing the pol.power to contributions instead of classes is that it gives us unlimited flexibility in the typical-historical context, while having exactly the same effect in the political arena. If we could invent a trustworthy and realistic dynamic class system, it would be even nicer in appearance, but I wouldn't expect it to make class warfare more interesting.
Before we move to details on behaviors, we should decide what alterations should be made with the socioeconomic classes.
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