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From: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, President of the United States of America.
To: His Excellency, Adolf Hitler, Fuhrer of the German Reich, Ruler of all Germans.
"Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth that any governing power
has any right or need to inflict the consequences of war on its own or
any other people save in the cause of self-evident home defense."
Letter sent by the President to the Chancellor of the German Reich,
Adolf Hitler, April 14, 1939
His Excellency Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the German Reich, Berlin,
Germany
You realize, I am sure, that throughout the world hundreds of millions
of human beings are living today in constant fear of a new war or even a
series of wars.
The existence of this fear-and the possibility of such a conflict-are of
definite concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as
they must also be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire
Western Hemisphere. All of them know that any major war even if it were
to be confined to other continents, must bear heavily on them during its
continuance and also for generations to come.
Because of the fact that after the acute tension in which the world has
been living during the past few weeks there would seem to be at least a
momentary relaxation-because no troops are at this moment on the march-
this may be an opportune moment for me to send you this message.
On a previous occasion I have addressed you in behalf of the settlement
of political, economic, and social problems by peaceful methods and
without resort to arms.
But the tide of events seems to have reverted to the threat of arms. If
such threats continue, it seems inevitable that much of the world must
become involved in common ruin. All the world, victor nations,
vanquished nations, and neutral nations, will suffer. I refuse to
believe that the world is, of necessity, such a prisoner of destiny. On
the contrary, it is clear that the leaders of great nations have it in
their power to liberate their peoples from the disaster that impends. It
is equally clear that in their own minds and in their own hearts the
peoples themselves desire that their fears be ended.
It is, however, unfortunately necessary to take cognizance of recent
facts.
Three nations in Europe and one in Africa have seen their independent
existence terminated. A vast territory in another independent Nation of
the Far East has been occupied by a neighboring State. Reports, which we
trust are not true, insist that further acts of aggression are
contemplated against still other independent nations. Plainly the world
is moving toward the moment when this situation must end in catastrophe
unless a more rational way of guiding events is found.
You have repeatedly asserted that you and the German people have no
desire for war. If this is true there need be no war.
Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth that any governing power
has any right or need to inflict the consequences of war on its own or
any other people save in the cause of self-evident home defense.
In making this statement we as Americans speak not through selfishness
or fear or weakness. If we speak now it is with the voice of strength
and with friendship for mankind. It is still clear to me that
international problems can be solved at the council table.
It is therefore no answer to the plea for peaceful discussion for one
side to plead that unless they receive assurances beforehand that the
verdict will be theirs, they will not lay aside their arms. In
conference rooms, as in courts, it is necessary that both sides enter
upon the discussion in good faith, assuming that substantial justice
will accrue to both; and it is customary and necessary that they leave
heir arms outside the room where they confer.
I am convinced that the cause of world peace would be greatly advanced
if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank statement relating
to-the present and future policy of Governments.
Because the United States, as one of the Nations of the Western
Hemisphere, is not involved in the immediate controversies which have
arisen in Europe, I trust that you may be willing to make such a
statement of policy to me as head of a Nation far removed from Europe in
order that I, acting only with the responsibility and obligation of a
friendly intermediary, may communicate such declaration to other nations
now apprehensive as to the course which the policy of your Government
may take.
Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack
or invade the territory or possessions of the following independent
nations: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden, Norway, Denmark,
The Netherlands, Belgium, Great Britain and Ireland, France, Portugal,
Spain, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Poland, Hungary, Rumania,
Yugoslavia, Russia, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, Iraq, the Arabias, Syria,
Palestine, Egypt and Iran.
Such an assurance clearly must apply not only to the present day but
also to a future sufficiently long to give every opportunity to work by
peaceful methods for a more permanent peace. I therefore suggest that
you construe the word "future" to apply to a minimum period of assured
non-aggression-ten years at the least-a quarter of a century, if we dare
look that far ahead.
If such assurance is given by your Government, I shall immediately
transmit it to the Governments of the nations I have named and I shall
simultaneously inquire whether, as I am reasonably sure, each of the
nations enumerated will in turn give like assurance for transmission to
you.
Reciprocal assurances such as I have outlined will bring to the world an
immediate measure of relief.
I propose that if it is given, two essential problems shall promptly be
discussed in the resulting peaceful surroundings, and in those
discussions the Government of the United States will gladly take part.
The discussions which I have in mind relate to the most effective and
immediate manner through which the peoples of the world can obtain
progressive relief from the crushing burden of armament which is each
day bringing them more closely to the brink of economic
disaster. Simultaneously the Government of the United States would be
prepared to take part in discussions looking toward the most practical
manner of opening up avenues of international trade to the end that
every Nation of the earth may be enabled to buy and sell on equal terms
in the world market as well as to possess assurance of obtaining the
materials and products of peaceful economic life.
At the same time, those Governments other than the United States I which
are directly interested could undertake such political discussions as
they may consider necessary or desirable.
We recognize complex world problems which affect all humanity but we
know that study and discussion of them must be held in an atmosphere of
peace. Such an atmosphere of peace cannot exist if negotiations are
overshadowed by the threat of force or by the fear of war.
I think you will not misunderstand the spirit of frankness in which I
send you this message. Heads of great Governments in this hour are
literally responsible for the fate of humanity in the coming years. They
cannot fail to hear the prayers of their peoples to be protected from
the foreseeable chaos of war. History will hold them accountable for the
lives and the happiness of all-even unto the least.
I hope that your answer will make it possible for humanity to lose fear
and regain security for many years to come.
A similar message is being addressed to the Chief of the Italian
Government.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.
To: His Excellency, Adolf Hitler, Fuhrer of the German Reich, Ruler of all Germans.
"Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth that any governing power
has any right or need to inflict the consequences of war on its own or
any other people save in the cause of self-evident home defense."
Letter sent by the President to the Chancellor of the German Reich,
Adolf Hitler, April 14, 1939
His Excellency Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the German Reich, Berlin,
Germany
You realize, I am sure, that throughout the world hundreds of millions
of human beings are living today in constant fear of a new war or even a
series of wars.
The existence of this fear-and the possibility of such a conflict-are of
definite concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as
they must also be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire
Western Hemisphere. All of them know that any major war even if it were
to be confined to other continents, must bear heavily on them during its
continuance and also for generations to come.
Because of the fact that after the acute tension in which the world has
been living during the past few weeks there would seem to be at least a
momentary relaxation-because no troops are at this moment on the march-
this may be an opportune moment for me to send you this message.
On a previous occasion I have addressed you in behalf of the settlement
of political, economic, and social problems by peaceful methods and
without resort to arms.
But the tide of events seems to have reverted to the threat of arms. If
such threats continue, it seems inevitable that much of the world must
become involved in common ruin. All the world, victor nations,
vanquished nations, and neutral nations, will suffer. I refuse to
believe that the world is, of necessity, such a prisoner of destiny. On
the contrary, it is clear that the leaders of great nations have it in
their power to liberate their peoples from the disaster that impends. It
is equally clear that in their own minds and in their own hearts the
peoples themselves desire that their fears be ended.
It is, however, unfortunately necessary to take cognizance of recent
facts.
Three nations in Europe and one in Africa have seen their independent
existence terminated. A vast territory in another independent Nation of
the Far East has been occupied by a neighboring State. Reports, which we
trust are not true, insist that further acts of aggression are
contemplated against still other independent nations. Plainly the world
is moving toward the moment when this situation must end in catastrophe
unless a more rational way of guiding events is found.
You have repeatedly asserted that you and the German people have no
desire for war. If this is true there need be no war.
Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth that any governing power
has any right or need to inflict the consequences of war on its own or
any other people save in the cause of self-evident home defense.
In making this statement we as Americans speak not through selfishness
or fear or weakness. If we speak now it is with the voice of strength
and with friendship for mankind. It is still clear to me that
international problems can be solved at the council table.
It is therefore no answer to the plea for peaceful discussion for one
side to plead that unless they receive assurances beforehand that the
verdict will be theirs, they will not lay aside their arms. In
conference rooms, as in courts, it is necessary that both sides enter
upon the discussion in good faith, assuming that substantial justice
will accrue to both; and it is customary and necessary that they leave
heir arms outside the room where they confer.
I am convinced that the cause of world peace would be greatly advanced
if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank statement relating
to-the present and future policy of Governments.
Because the United States, as one of the Nations of the Western
Hemisphere, is not involved in the immediate controversies which have
arisen in Europe, I trust that you may be willing to make such a
statement of policy to me as head of a Nation far removed from Europe in
order that I, acting only with the responsibility and obligation of a
friendly intermediary, may communicate such declaration to other nations
now apprehensive as to the course which the policy of your Government
may take.
Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack
or invade the territory or possessions of the following independent
nations: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden, Norway, Denmark,
The Netherlands, Belgium, Great Britain and Ireland, France, Portugal,
Spain, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Poland, Hungary, Rumania,
Yugoslavia, Russia, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, Iraq, the Arabias, Syria,
Palestine, Egypt and Iran.
Such an assurance clearly must apply not only to the present day but
also to a future sufficiently long to give every opportunity to work by
peaceful methods for a more permanent peace. I therefore suggest that
you construe the word "future" to apply to a minimum period of assured
non-aggression-ten years at the least-a quarter of a century, if we dare
look that far ahead.
If such assurance is given by your Government, I shall immediately
transmit it to the Governments of the nations I have named and I shall
simultaneously inquire whether, as I am reasonably sure, each of the
nations enumerated will in turn give like assurance for transmission to
you.
Reciprocal assurances such as I have outlined will bring to the world an
immediate measure of relief.
I propose that if it is given, two essential problems shall promptly be
discussed in the resulting peaceful surroundings, and in those
discussions the Government of the United States will gladly take part.
The discussions which I have in mind relate to the most effective and
immediate manner through which the peoples of the world can obtain
progressive relief from the crushing burden of armament which is each
day bringing them more closely to the brink of economic
disaster. Simultaneously the Government of the United States would be
prepared to take part in discussions looking toward the most practical
manner of opening up avenues of international trade to the end that
every Nation of the earth may be enabled to buy and sell on equal terms
in the world market as well as to possess assurance of obtaining the
materials and products of peaceful economic life.
At the same time, those Governments other than the United States I which
are directly interested could undertake such political discussions as
they may consider necessary or desirable.
We recognize complex world problems which affect all humanity but we
know that study and discussion of them must be held in an atmosphere of
peace. Such an atmosphere of peace cannot exist if negotiations are
overshadowed by the threat of force or by the fear of war.
I think you will not misunderstand the spirit of frankness in which I
send you this message. Heads of great Governments in this hour are
literally responsible for the fate of humanity in the coming years. They
cannot fail to hear the prayers of their peoples to be protected from
the foreseeable chaos of war. History will hold them accountable for the
lives and the happiness of all-even unto the least.
I hope that your answer will make it possible for humanity to lose fear
and regain security for many years to come.
A similar message is being addressed to the Chief of the Italian
Government.
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT.
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